Public Authorities (Fraud, Error and Recovery) Bill

Lord Davies of Brixton Excerpts

Committee stage
Monday 16th June 2025 Grand Committee

[Lord Vaux of Harrowden (CB)]

My Lords, I speak to my Amendment 79B and thank the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, for her support for it. It is a very simple amendment that would make the giving of an eligibility verification notice subject to the same safeguard that already applies to all the other information-gathering powers within the Bill—namely, that the Secretary of State must be satisfied that issuing an EVN is necessary and proportionate for the purpose for which it is issued.

The Minister will no doubt have noticed that I have taken the liberty of inserting “reasonably” into the amendment, as we have just been discussing. Otherwise, the wording is aligned with the safeguard in Clause 3(1)(a), in relation to the Cabinet Office Minister requiring information, and to the wording in Clause 72, in relation to the Secretary of State for the DWP requiring information about suspected fraud under new Section 109BZB(1)(b). This safeguard applies everywhere in the Bill whenever the required information relates to suspected fraud. Rather strangely, however, it does not appear in Schedule 3, where there is no suspicion. That seems the wrong way round. Surely it is even more important that the giving of an information notice should be necessary and proportionate in cases where there is no suspicion.

I am assuming that this omission is in fact an oversight and that, given that it appears everywhere else in the Bill, the Minister will simply accept it. If not, she will need to explain why the exercise of these important and intrusive suspicionless information-gathering powers should not have to be, at the very least, necessary and proportionate in the same way as the exercise of the other information-gathering powers have to be. I will take a little bit of convincing, I am afraid.

[Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab)]

My Lords, I will speak to my Amendment 80. There is a certain amount of overlap with other amendments not just in this group, obviously, but in other groups. The mysteries of the grouping of amendments are beyond my pay grade, but we are in a situation where we are bound to discuss the same subject again and again—and, I suspect, again. I will read with interest what my noble friend the Minister said in replying to the previous debate. At the conclusion of all these overlapping debates it would be useful to the Committee if she could write a letter explaining how this whole thing fits together.

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[Baroness Sherlock (Lab)]

I am grateful. The noble Viscount is quite right: there is some fraud in the state pension. It was a judgment about proportion, having compared the size and value of the case load. It is very small. The fact that the affirmative procedure is used means that there will have to be a debate. The Government cannot simply on their own start investigating new benefits without anyone knowing about it, so that makes a difference.

The Bill is clear that, to help make this measure proportionate, only the minimum amount of information necessary is shared with DWP by the banks. That can include only details about the account, such as an account number and sort code; details to identify the individuals, such as names and dates of birth; and details about how the individuals appear to be breaching the eligibility criteria for their benefit. But still at that point, no one is suspected of having done anything wrong; the presumption of innocence remains, because further inquiries are needed to establish whether a benefit has been incorrectly paid.

Some people may have disregards in place that mean they are allowed to have more money than is normally used in the benefit rules. For example, normally you are allowed to have only £16,000 maximum in capital to be entitled to universal credit, but there are reasons why you might have more than that. Some forms of compensation payments are disregarded, for example. There may be a perfectly good reason, which will be investigated at that point—and that will be that. Others may have made a genuine mistake that has led to an overpayment of benefits, which it is important to correct as quickly as possible for the individual and the organisation.

However, there will be some cases, especially in the early stages, that ultimately lead to fraud being identified; that conclusion will never be drawn from these data alone. As is the case now, any claim where a suspicion of fraud arises is referred to our specialist investigation team, which has to undertake a thorough investigation, following all reasonable lines of inquiry before any determination can be drawn.

Just to reassure my noble friend, whether he accepts it or not, in fraud and error cases, decisions on entitlement will be made by a DWP staff member.

[Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab)]

It is clear that we are talking about two different stages here. The first intervention into the bank accounts of individuals will be done algorithmically. The DWP will provide the banks or whoever with the set of criteria that they should apply, and the banks will run it through their computers and that will throw up cases. No individual will be involved at that stage. Cases that are highlighted then referred to the DWP are the ones where human intervention will start. But there are the two stages, and the human intervention is at the second stage, not the first.

[Baroness Sherlock (Lab)]

I think that we are going to repeat ourselves at each other. This is essentially a data-requiring measure—it is a data push. The data is coming across to DWP, and that data will be used with other data, and where there is an indication that there may be an overpayment, it will be dealt with either by reaching out to the individual or, if there is a possibility that it is fraud, it will be referred for a fraud investigation. Any decision on benefit entitlement and fraud and error is made by a DWP staff member.

[Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab)]

I hope that the Minister will forgive me for making the point, but it is crucial. The bank will send a data file with cases that it has flagged. Will cases from that data file be identified by humans or by the DWP algorithmically?

[Baroness Sherlock (Lab)]

I think that we are talking at cross-purposes here. The information will be sent across to DWP, and DWP will take information on an individual and, if there is a signal that an individual may have a breach in eligibility criteria and may have more money in their bank account than is permitted, that information will be looked at and taken together with other information and a DWP staff member will make a judgment about what to do about that. I do not think that I can be any clearer than that.

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[Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab)]

My Amendment 83 is a probing amendment. I want to know more about the Government’s thinking on this. As the noble Lord, Lord Vaux, indicated, this is sparked by the comments of UK Finance, which represents, broadly speaking, those who will have to comply with this legislation, interrogate customers’ bank accounts and provide the DWP with information, so its views are very germane. It submitted a briefing for Second Reading, and a number of its points still stand, except to the extent that there has been any engagement between the DWP and UK Finance since Second Reading. I would be interested if the Minister could brief the Committee.

It is still, however, relevant to mention my points. I will focus on one in particular, as my amendment does. UK Finance raised a range of concerns that need to be taken seriously. I will outline them, just to put this into context. It is concerned about the potential conflict with its duties to deal with financial crime. It regarded this as a diversion from its capacity to deal with economic crime, and it was concerned that there were insufficient safeguards for bulk data access. I would be interested if the Minister could address those issues, either now or in correspondence.

My amendment focuses on the other point that it raised. It said:

“Risks of financial harm: Tensions between the Bill and firms’ existing obligations under the FCA’s Consumer Duty and Vulnerability Guidance could result in harm to vulnerable consumers. Bad actors learn workarounds quickly, so the powers may end up impacting most acutely people inadvertently making—or subject to—errors”.


That is a massive criticism of the Bill’s provisions, and it is important that it should be addressed explicitly, either in correspondence or in reply to this debate. I want to paraphrase in very broad terms the attitude of UK Finance towards the Bill. The truth—although it would not say it in quite these terms—is that it does not like it. It wishes that it was not here because of the pressure that it would place on it in all sorts of ways. That is outlined in its briefing.

I will address more directly the issue of financial harm to vulnerable customers. The Government need to say extensively and explicitly how they expect financial institutions to reconcile their undoubted duty of care towards their customers and their obligations under the Bill. To put this into context, the Child Poverty Action Group says that

“the eligibility verification measure would mean people face more suspicionless surveillance and intrusion into their privacy simply by virtue of being benefit recipients. We believe it is fundamentally unfair and potentially unlawful to subject these families to surveillance that the rest of the population does not face, simply because they are on a low income”.

I already quoted the concerns of Helena Wood of CIFAS. There is no doubt that the provisions of the Bill will be of massive concern to individuals, and that should be a major issue in how the Government implement the Bill—I have made plain my objections in principle—and how it will be handled in relation to vulnerable customers.

I have an amendment—let us hope we get to it on Wednesday—about the affordability assessment. Having an affordability assessment is not my idea; it is in the Government’s briefing note, but they do not explain what they mean by it. We will have a debate on Monday about the nature of that affordability assessment. But that in itself will put pressure on customers. Just being there, it will create pressure, particularly for people struggling with poverty and who have problems with their mental health.

It is essential that the affordability assessment will be able to understand the individual circumstances, but the process of implementing that assessment will in itself create harm for the consumer. I cannot see an easy way through on this, but the Government need to address the issue and tell us what they will do to ensure that this conflict is avoided.

[Baroness Fox of Buckley (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, there was extensive conversation about the role of banks in the debate on a previous day in Committee, and I probably got carried away with my own hyperbole when I said that they were being coerced into being involved, on which the noble Baroness, Lady Anderson, corrected me. However, I think we can say that they are compelled to be involved and that financial penalties, which will become increasingly punitive, will be levied if they do not do as the Government request. If they get those penalties, the cost might not be an issue but there would certainly be reputational damage. We need to have some context here and recognise that the banks are not queuing up to do this. That is an important point, which the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, has made. There is a reluctance about some of the things that are happening with the Bill, which I think the Government can admit to.

In all the literature they have produced and in conversations we have had so far, the Government have reassured those of us who are worried about privacy. We are constantly being reassured that there are limitations on the type of data the banks will share. On the other hand, the way in which the Government are dealing with that is by saying that the banks will be fined—there will be a penalty—if they overshare or if they provide inaccurate information, so I fear that this penalty will, again, have the impact of pushing the blame or responsibility on to banks for any errors.

That makes me nervous, because it is not clear to me how they will not see anyone on benefits as just a pain in the neck for them, since they will now have to go through the exercise of checking, which they are being compelled to do or they will be fined or get into trouble, and if they get the information wrong or hand over the wrong information, they can be fined again. Inevitably—this is why I am interested in these amendments—the banks will associate these eligibility verification notices and the work being asked of them for those on benefits, and they will view such people as creating more work and more jeopardy.

I also think the banks are being held responsible for things they should not necessarily be responsible for. I would be interested to know how the Minister feels, because I think it is a reasonable query at this point to ask, “Isn’t there a problem with private banks being asked to be government inspectors?” I think it was one of the MPs who said that the purpose of banks is not to act as an arm of the state. How should private banks respond to the fact that the state is asking them to do a huge amount more in relation to this clamp-down on DWP welfare fraud? It seems to me that, ultimately, we are asking the banks to do what the Government should be doing, and the banks will get the blame if things go wrong. They are the ones who will be doing the surveillance, no matter which way we look at it.