Finance Bill

Debate between Baroness Uddin and Baroness Garden of Frognal

2nd reading & Committee negatived & 3rd reading & 2nd reading (Hansard) & 2nd reading (Hansard): House of Lords & 3rd reading (Hansard) & 3rd reading (Hansard): House of Lords & Committee negatived (Hansard) & Committee negatived (Hansard): House of Lords
Friday 17th July 2020 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl) [V]]

My Lords, I am pleased to follow the noble Lord, Lord Bourne. Coronavirus is the biggest crisis of our generation and I recognise that the Government have provided constructive financial solutions to address the many emergency economic pressures. They have protected health and the economy with the furlough and measures to help the self-employed, providing many families with some relief, even though millions have faced incredible hardship and had to rely on paltry universal credit and food banks. Countless community efforts have provided families with basic sustenance. I pay tribute to many restaurateurs, including the 5,000 Bangladesh Caterers Association UK members whose earnings have dropped by 90%. Many are finding it impossible to navigate bank loans and other measures. What assessment have the Government made—

[The Deputy Speaker (Baroness Garden of Frognal) (LD)]

Lady Uddin, we seem to have lost you. Are you there?

[Baroness Uddin [V]]

Sorry, I do not know what happened. What assessment have the Government made of the inevitable effect of withdrawing the furlough scheme and Self-employment Income Support Scheme on levels of unemployment, particularly in SMEs including the curry industry?

As the Bill includes no measures focused on increasing employment, could the Minister outline how the Government intend to address this worrying trend, particularly among women, who are often in low-paid, part-time jobs and have been exceptionally affected during this lockdown? Muslim women-led organisations are deeply concerned about the well-being of their members. What actions will the Government take to ensure that Muslim women, among other minorities, do not become further isolated and more permanently out of the job market?

According to the Government’s Social Mobility Commission, 600,000 more children are now living in relative poverty than in 2012. Their plight will be further exacerbated by benefit changes and coronavirus, with 45% from minority communities more likely to live in poverty in comparison to 26% of their white neighbours. Does this period, the most challenging in terms of addressing poverty and social injustice, warrant an equal and absolute commitment to redress the effects of social injustice and prejudice, as well as class, race and faith discriminations? What impact assessment has been made of the Bill on child poverty and the well-being of vulnerable families and people with disabilities and autism in those communities which have excessively experienced hardship?

I welcome the kick-start scheme and the guarantee of apprenticeships for those leaving care. Can this be extended to the 465,000 young people who would not currently be in line to participate in any apprenticeship? Speaking as a witness to the Canary Wharf development and the remaining disconnect with lack of employment opportunities—

[The Deputy Speaker]

The noble Baroness’s time is up. I call the noble Lord, Lord Addington.

Business and Planning Bill

Debate between Baroness Uddin and Baroness Garden of Frognal

Committee stage & Committee: 2nd sitting (Hansard) & Committee: 2nd sitting (Hansard): House of Lords
Tuesday 14th July 2020 Lords Chamber

[The Deputy Chairman of Committees]

I have received a request from the noble Baroness, Lady Uddin, to speak briefly after the Minister.

[Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl) [V]]

My Lords, I wanted to speak in support of the noble Lord, Lord Kennedy of Southwark. I was not able to do so because I was muted from the other side; I therefore seek the leniency of the House in making my points.

In the past few months, we have become accustomed to approving measures retrospectively. Our debates have become mostly redundant because of the need to accommodate the next set of schedules and amendments. It has been important for me to put forward my views on this Bill.

Given the significant role of local authorities in the recovery of our communities, the reporting requirement in this amendment must detail the extra cost of how measures in this Bill will have an impact on local communities, as it is not clear. As a former councillor, I fear that the inevitable result will be a greater workload and higher cost for most authorities, including planning services. Many local authorities have been put on the back foot by some of the proposed measures and, by all accounts, feel sidelined.

As the noble Lord, Lord Paddick, and other noble Lords passionately detailed, it is local authorities and local police forces who will have to manage the fallout and environmental impact of any breaches or disputes and mop up after anti-social behaviour. I am in complete agreement with the points made yesterday by the noble Lords, Lord Paddick and Lord Sheikh, about the result and detrimental impact of increasing the availability of alcohol. Therefore, this House requires more than assurances on reducing closing times. The impact can be felt by local residents—as well as the police and health services, of course—long into the night.

I am also concerned about the planning aspects of the Bill coming into this emergency process. The three-monthly review required by this amendment is of the highest imperative in warranting the necessary transparency in, and safeguarding of, local consideration of public interests. The Bill would worryingly enable planned development delayed by the Covid-19 outbreak to go ahead, forgoing the usual standards, such as requirement of local public consent, as eloquently detailed by the noble Lord, Lord Balfe, and others.

I appreciate that responding to housing need is of the utmost urgency. As a former deputy leader of Tower Hamlets Council, I am also fully conscious of the central role of local authorities in the planning process, and their duties and obligations to meet the needs of local residents and communities. This is equally significant when considering the environmental and health effects of long working hours on residents, particularly children. What provision will be made for environmental standards in the proposed local government emergency planning reforms?

It is worth reflecting on the Government’s own recent deluge of impositions, usurping the local planning process, which would have obvious detrimental consequences, incurring significant financial loss to the community benefits available from a number of local planning permissions granted. For decades, this has been a creative partnership route, allowing local authorities to build a fairer and more balanced mix of social and private housing and community facilities. The delay to accessing the community interest levy suggested in the Bill is deeply unsatisfactory. What consideration will be given to working with housing associations to ensure that good-quality family housing will also be built through permitted development rights —not just expensive housing creating segregated communities and further exacerbating social division? If the Minister is not able to answer, I would appreciate it if he would write to me and other interested Members.

No matter the political expediency, I see no value in, or justification for, management or planning decisions falling under emergency measures. I agree with my noble friend Lord Hain and the noble Baroness, Lady Wilcox, who have cited justified concerns and questions about land banking and other tensions within local authorities that they have to deal with. Local authorities should be at the heart of planning consent, and the Government should not persist in allowing fast-tracking for developers, which will inevitably compromise community housing needs.

The Bill would amend existing requirements concerning appeals to the Planning Inspectorate and would be a permanent change to the appeal procedure; it is a fundamental shift in local democratic accountability. Therefore, will the Minister assure the Committee that the quarterly review will encompass independent and local oversight of all planning applications granted for housing under this emergency legislation? Will he also make public any objections raised by local residents to safeguard due process in all planning consent while this emergency legislation is in place? I am extremely grateful to all Members for their patience.

Business and Planning Bill

Debate between Baroness Uddin and Baroness Garden of Frognal

Committee stage & Committee: 1st sitting (Hansard) & Committee: 1st sitting (Hansard): House of Lords
Monday 13th July 2020 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl) [V]]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow my noble friend’s enthusiasm and wise observations. I had signed up to speak on Second Reading and, due to unfortunate technical problems, was unable to do so. I wish to speak to Amendments 6 and 8.

I echo the introductory comments of the noble Lord, Lord Balfe. His concerns may be widely applicable in many areas of our country. I am deeply concerned about the impact of the fast-tracking measures that will allow alcohol to be served outside or off premises. I witnessed first-hand a large event at a venue nearby, on two consecutive weekends, and was shocked to witness large numbers of young people gathered without any social distancing—not a mask in sight—spilling on to the streets, as highlighted by the noble Lord, Lord Bourne. I welcome the points made earlier by the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, about age verification. I question the age of many present at these gatherings and agree with the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, that it is not enough to rely on staff minding the entrance to ensure identity of large numbers of eagerly waiting young persons.

I suggest to the Government that the beneficial income revenue is likely to be seriously compromised by insurmountable amounts of litter, men urinating on the road and against buildings, activity going well into unsocial hours with an unacceptable level of noise and antisocial behaviour and disturbance, inevitably causing concern to nearby family residents. In fact, a group of people came over to my car as I was driving by, who were drunk and aggressive. Witnessing this was my adult son, who lives with autism. He was distinctly alarmed and anxious. I could see no one obviously enforcing rules at this event and no signposting for social distancing rules or for toilets.

Therefore, I am uncomfortable that some licences will be granted for more than a year without review. They are the most significant changes in licensing laws for years, and local authority and police services do not have any additional resources and will not be equipped to take on additional duties to monitor these licences for compliance without extra funding.

The proposal that local councils will have permission to revoke licences is, frankly, not good enough. Can the Minister clarify that local authorities and police forces locally have been allocated the necessary resources? Will these measures embed due regard to the rights of residents nearby, particularly those who are disabled or may be vulnerable young women, including the impact on women staff members? I was pleased that the noble Baroness, Lady Meacher, referred to the danger of excessive availability late at night of cheap alcohol. As a former manager of drug and alcohol services, I agree wholeheartedly.

I am not convinced that communities, local authorities and police have been adequately consulted, particularly on the impact on people with disabilities and the environmental impact on their lives of these measures. Can the Minister say that residents, including those who are disabled, will be consulted—reaching out to all residents, including those for whom English may not be their first language? Will there be opportunities to express any dissent, and will a public reporting mechanism be established and made available in various locally relevant languages?

Finally, in support of the noble Lord, Lord Holmes, and comments made by the noble Baroness, Lady Grey-Thompson, and other noble Lords, I agree that, even at this time of duress, this House must be assured of adherence to the fundamentals of the public sector equality duty, and thus respect all the prerequisites of ensuring compliance, not just by local authorities but by those who hold a licence. Throughout this pandemic, I have sought assurances from the Government that we heed local conditions and respect local needs, including those based on the population and its linguistic requirements, and consider lack of access to online services for a large section of our populations. I am confident that the Government will continue to honour this duty and ensure that public consultation materials, printed and online, are available in accessible formats—including Braille, audio and translated into some of the relevant languages—and made available on a variety of platforms, including ethnic minority media platforms.

[The Deputy Chairman of Committees]

My Lords, the noble Baroness, Lady Goudie, has withdrawn, so I now call the noble Lord, Lord Balfe.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Deputy Chairman of Committees]

The noble Baroness, Lady Goudie, is not with us, so I call the noble Baroness, Lady Uddin.

[Baroness Uddin [V]]

My Lords, I support Amendment 48 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson of Balmacara. I have just a few brief points. I shall speak specifically about data collection and the reporting requirement for the Bounce Back Loan Schemes. Despite the pandemic, we cannot overlook the need for transparency, open government and a robust process of reporting to Parliament. Current data relating to the total number of applications and the number of loans granted does not make allowances for how well the scheme is working to help businesses through the crisis, including SMEs, as the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, referred to. There is inadequate data on the number of businesses that could not access loan schemes and why they were refused. This should be addressed in the reporting mechanism.

The curry industry, which I referred to earlier, has reported that its members are experiencing a great deal of difficulty in accessing this financial support. I am deeply concerned about eradicating any inequity that they might be experiencing. Therefore, I would like more detailed reporting to include the number of successful applications from SMEs led by BAME communities, particularly in the curry industry, and, more specifically for the curry industry itself, the actual number of applications that have been successful and those that have been rejected.

College of Social Work

Debate between Baroness Uddin and Baroness Garden of Frognal

Tuesday 17th March 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Garden of Frognal]

I do not have those figures at my disposal, and I think, in fairness, it is slightly wide of the Question on the Order Paper.

[Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, as a former trained social worker, I am all too aware of the demands on social workers and the challenges they face, including not receiving adequate training on general disability issues but, more important, on the issue of autism. Given that the lack of recognition often leads to delay and misdiagnosis, causing huge setbacks, how do the Government and the Department of Health view the College of Social Work in its role in supporting people with autism more effectively? Will it ensure that there is commensurate funding available for that?

[Baroness Garden of Frognal]

We are entirely committed to improving the quality of social worker training. Training, of course, is not done directly by the college but through universities and other places, and obviously that training is going to need to take into account all sorts of different forms of disability or disadvantage, of which autism would be one.

Child Safety: Video Games

Debate between Baroness Uddin and Baroness Garden of Frognal

Monday 8th July 2013 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Garden of Frognal]

The noble Earl is right to highlight the addictive nature of some of these games. There are various parental controls. There can be timings, for instance, put on the games to ensure that children automatically have a break after a certain length of time. However, a lot of this will be up to parents, and the more guidance we can get to them the better because, as the noble Earl knows, these games can be addictive and can cause children to spend an awful lot of time on them.

[Baroness Uddin]

My Lords, does the Minister accept that, while it is very important to ensure that parents take their full responsibility, parents must know the fullest amount of information available about the illegality of some of these games? I note the fact that this is not all the Government’s responsibility, but what is her department doing to ensure that information is communicated to parents? Also, many parents do not speak good enough English, so how would she ensure that broader ranges of parents are aware of these games being illegal?

[Baroness Garden of Frognal]

There are also a great many initiatives from internet service providers, which are collaborating very constructively with the Government. There is the Internet Watch Foundation, for instance; we are also working with the Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre, CEOP, to try to make sure that there are mechanisms within the games, which can be controls. If there are ways in which children can be identified from playing the games, they will be prevented from doing that. It is ongoing work, and we are working very constructively with all those concerned to make sure that the information gets out correctly.

Care Bill [HL]

Debate between Baroness Uddin and Baroness Garden of Frognal

Tuesday 21st May 2013 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Uddin]

My Lords, I come to this debate from the perspective of a professional in the social care sector, as well as with experience as a local authority councillor and, not least, as a carer for over 30 years. I agree that we are at a crossroads for our social care system. In my contribution, I shall draw on the evidence presented to us in the Joint Committee inquiry on the Promoting Independence, Preventing Crisis report, which was ably led by the all-party parliamentary groups on local government and disability. I take this opportunity to salute the work of my noble friend Lady Campbell, Anne McGuire, Heather Wheeler, and the noble Baroness, Lady Wilkins.

Much emphasis has rightly been put on the demands of our growing ageing population, and it is right that we do so, as is the fact that one in three of those who use our care services are disabled people of working age. I would like to focus on that aspect, and I make no apologies for unreservedly quoting some aspects of the inquiry, which I commend to the House.

For too long, Governments have used a sticking plaster approach and incremental improvements in dealing with adult social care, resulting in systems that are bewildering for the recipient and unwieldy for authorities to administer. So I, too, welcome the principle of adult social care reform. The Joint Committee inquiry took evidence from a long list of expert witnesses representing all sectors, all the major disability organisations and those involved in statutory provisions, as well as local authorities and academia. There was undeniable consensus, and a call for disabled people to be at the heart of social care policy reform as well as making decisions in their care. In doing so, we must not see them as passive recipients, but must uphold their human rights under the UN convention to which the United Kingdom is signatory, and embrace the fundamental principles of independence.

There are pervasive concerns that much of our provisions fall significantly short of providing dignity and choice, thus hampering independent living. Of course, the funding shortage is a reality, but we cannot allow those who may be voiceless to be sidestepped at the behest of what may be regarded as best value by locally set criteria. The evidence received by our Joint Committee points to local authorities struggling to achieve the best outcomes, resulting in raising their eligibility threshold for care provision. Many instances have been cited, implying that current eligibility criteria have led to many thousands of disabled individuals falling out of the care system altogether.

The statistics are astonishing. The Audit Commission on social care in England found with the fair access to care system in 2005 that 50% of 152 local authorities in England provide services to those with moderate needs and above but, by 2012, 84% were only providing services at the higher threshold of substantial need, with three councils now providing social care to people who fall into all four eligibility bands and only 24 councils providing care to those with moderate needs and above. The Care Bill will fail to improve the social care system for disabled people if eligibility is set so high that those in need will not receive even the basic help such as washing, dressing or getting out of the house. These changes, challenges and differences in eligibility are bound to lead to more disabled people left ineligible for care and support, contrary to the Minister’s claim that the Bill will provide compassionate and consistent care to those who need it.

The inquiry committee hopes that the Government will consider more uniformity in setting thresholds for eligibility right across the country, ensuring that the 2013 spending review will give due regard to adequate resources being made available so that the needs of disabled people are not compromised. I was surprised to hear the Minister say that legislation will not impact on the funding available. How can provision be efficiently provided, as he suggests, when the system is already stretched to its limits? Disabled people deserve to have confidence in any new care and support system, and I hope that we will be able to rectify some of these anomalies.

There is a significant body of opinion calling for prioritising the design of a new framework of eligibility, which should actively engage core stakeholders, addressing gaps highlighted already in the House today. The joint inquiry report suggests that the current fair access to care services criteria should be replaced by a system that is more objective and coherent and implemented across the country, where resource allocation is transparent and enables the disabled person and their carers to take part in the decision-making process. Worryingly, the evidence that we took suggests that there is little cohesion within various partners of care providers. This will stretch the ambition of the seamless services that the Care Bill envisages. Personalisation appears not to break down the barriers between care, housing, transport, leisure and community involvement, particularly when any person moves from one area to another. Therefore, I welcome the commitment in the Bill that continuity of care packages will not be interrupted by any move to another local authority or area. I would like to ask what mechanism will be in place to ensure a smooth transition if that happens, and whose lead responsibility it will be to manage the transition. I suppose that I am asking who will manage the “Oklahoma!” moment and who will provide the leadership.

This Care Bill is happening alongside the Government reassessing all those working-age disabled adults receiving disability living allowance and transferring recipients on to the personal independence payment. The House has voiced significant concerns to the Government, which were augmented last week by the whistleblower giving an insight to reports that individuals were not receiving even-handed services. The fact that supporting evidence given by applicants was not forwarded by the assessing company for assessors to use suggested a bias towards finding reasons to award points begrudgingly or not to award points, thereby affecting resource allocation. I have spoken to a number of carers and this is being seen by some as another cynical example of eligibility criteria being used to reset the goalposts for determining how much financial help people with disabilities require and ultimately receive.

A Member of this House recounted in a meeting last week the experience of being assessed. I hope that that respected individual will not mind my repeating what was said. The whole experience was said to have been so harrowing that the individual felt defeated by the very system which has the ambition of delivering dignity and choice through this Care Bill. I am deeply saddened that so little appears to have changed in the 30 years since I had a bitter experience with my son. Trying to access educational and social care was like asking for rain on Mars. In the end, we as a family were so defeated that we retreated into relying only on our own resources and ways and means.

I agree that reforms need to be made but they must and should be robust and intelligent in respectfully and professionally identifying genuinely deserving individuals, especially as regards those with disabilities which are difficult to understand and those with fluctuating conditions. Indeed, I have been made aware of the case of a disabled adult and her advocates who are trying to augment a personal budget. The person says that she felt bullied by a director of commissioning into accepting a package which represented best value for the authority but completely ignored her condition and needs and possibly violated her right to privacy and family life. If our society is to be judged by how we treat our weakest members, we have some distance to walk. I hope that we will be bold and ambitious enough to remember that social care must not simply be about basic survival but about supporting people to live independently. Independent living means disabled people of all ages having the same universal rights of freedom, choice, dignity and control as other citizens at home, at work, and in the community. It means having the right to obtain practical assistance and support to participate in society and live an ordinary life that others take for granted.

Your Lordships may not be surprised to learn that even in this context there is a distinct difference in the services provided to those from minority communities. It is a fact that 32% of all disabled people live in household poverty. Sadly, for minorities this figure jumps to 44% of disabled people living in household poverty. A report suggests that income for minority disabled people is 30% lower than for the general disabled population. The Equalities National Council and Scope in a report entitled Over-looked Communities, Over-due Change found that services are not fully inclusive for BME disabled people, who experience significant language and communication barriers, social isolation and stigma exacerbated by their lacking access to information and advice, including from well recognised NGOs. Many of the large NGOs operating within communities accepted that they had some way to go in addressing the needs of minority disabled people. In fact, a quarter of BME disabled people report difficulties receiving benefits and accessing independent living compared with 16% of others, indicating that additional unmet needs exist. Evidence on barriers to care shows that BME disabled people's conditions and impairments tend to escalate quickly to higher levels of need. I submit to the House that this is a costly process and that it is therefore even more important that the social care system provides effective coverage at lower care need equivalent to “moderate” within the current fair access to care needs system.

That is not all: meeting criteria and being eligible for support is not the end. An assessment determines the value of someone’s personal budget, and the resource allocation system ascribes a number of points to each eligible need which has been identified and, in referring to a table, sets out the financial value of each set of points, which then fleshes out the support plan to purchase and achieve identified independent living outcomes. Final decisions about the value of personal budgets are made by an anonymous panel of local authority social care professionals based on information provided by the disabled person, their social worker and the RAS calculation, often without ever having met the disabled person. The Sue Ryder report, The Forgotten Millions, highlights this point and found that a lack of uniformity among local authorities in allocating resources and calculating care packages for individuals is causing deep confusion and stress. A case was brought to my attention recently of a disabled adult who had all services stopped at 6 pm one evening. Apart from the legality of how and why this happened, an anonymous panel had turned down for the third time a request to increase travel by nine miles twice weekly, despite the social worker having great input from advocates on the matter. As the client had received an insufficient explanation from the social worker at 6 pm at night, she had to recall her father from business in London. He arrived at the social work offices the next day to petition the head of services as to why this had happened. Fortunately, services were immediately reinstated, with the family being offered a transfer from a direct service from the local authority to a personal budget.

Many carers claim that all these formal processes lack transparency regarding panels, their remit, obligations and decision-making. Disabled adults and their advocates are forbidden from having adequate details about the panel making the decisions. Surely transparency should be an obligation. If the objective is to provide care and support while maintaining the dignity of the individual, surely it is critical to have the individual or their representative present to ensure that their opinion is heard and valued as they are the experts on their own lives. The panel should have due regard to the contribution of disabled people in determining the nature of their care and support in any decisions that are made. Our report asks that the Government place resource allocation systems on a statutory footing through the Care and Support Bill and place new duties on councils to be transparent about these decisions. I welcome the move to put personal budgets on a statutory footing in Clause 25 of the Care and Support Bill. That should be enhanced to ensure that local authorities are transparent about decisions relating to the allocation of resources. All too often, personal budgets have care costed at one rate, with another rate available if external agencies are used.

[Baroness Garden of Frognal]

I apologise to the noble Baroness but she has been speaking for 15 minutes, which is normally the maximum time.

[Baroness Uddin]

I apologise. I am nearly finished. Anyone not associated with the care sector will become dizzy when encountering the array of acronyms and phrases such as RAS, FACS, DLA and PIP. Indeed, they are fortunate members of our society, with the ability to lead an active, fulfilled and independent life. They are fortunate enough to be able to perform everyday tasks such as getting up, washing, dressing, personal care, food preparation and eating without having to justify even the most basic daily tasks. For those members of our society who are reliant upon our care systems, this Bill represents a new hope that our social care system will enable disabled people to live an independent life which is just and equitable. I note noble Lords’ massive endorsement of the Bill and eagerly await its outcome.