Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Baroness Hayman Excerpts

Committee stage
Friday 13th March 2026 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Lawlor (Con)]

I thank the noble Baroness for that, but I point out that the Netherlands has many significant problems to do with various aspects of its legalisation of certain medical actions and operations. I will not go into them, but other countries are suffering from a fallout of what is happening, especially those on a rail service from Amsterdam.

If we leave the door wide open, it can happen. A doctor may only be raising the possibility, but a patient may be more swayed by a doctor’s opinion than their own. Indeed, where no pressure is intended, the pressure may be there none the less. The position of trust can therefore survive only if the doctor recognises that their normal role is limited to supporting the health of the living, helping the patient to live life as fully as possible by managing an illness or its symptoms or coping through the ups and downs of treatment. Participating in assisting suicide, for those doctors who agree to do so, is an extraordinary non-doctorly role that they should enter into only at the self-initiated request of the patient.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

My Lords, I have found some of this discussion quite difficult to compute with my own very limited—non-doctor—experience of end-of-life care and relatives who have been dying. The noble Baroness, Lady Lawlor, spoke as if there was a very binary division between assisted dying care and palliative care. Yet the cases that I have been involved with and seen very closely have been of people very definitely frail and at the end of their lives, and where the range of options they wanted to talk about were not simply pain relief. This whole time, no one has mentioned the right of people to exercise autonomy, to stop eating and starve themselves to death. Does the doctor not consider what happens in those circumstances and talk about options then? There is the option, of course, to turn off life support. There is the option—which my mother chose—to refuse any blood transfusions. Doctors talked her through how that would reduce her life expectancy.

[Baroness O’Loan (CB)]

My Lords, I will speak to Amendments 150, 156, 166 and 205, to which I have put my name, and in support of other amendments in the group.

As drafted, the Bill would permit a discussion about assisted dying with the patient before any requirement to discuss expert palliative care. The noble Baroness, Lady Blackstone, said that it would be irresponsible not to allow this. In Australia and New Zealand, doctors are not permitted to initiate such discussions.

As drafted—

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[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

It is very important that the doctor should listen to the wishes of the patient. I certainly think that a doctor should not be able to force-feed a patient in those circumstances.

[Baroness Meyer (Con)]

My Amendment 169 is a very modest one. It simply proposes that, if the Bill proceeds, before any doctor raises the possibility of assisted dying, the patient should first receive a psychological assessment from an appropriately qualified specialist. This is not an onerous hurdle but a basic and sensible safeguard.

As many noble Lords have said, when people are approaching the end of their life, they are often in a very vulnerable state. Feelings of sadness, anxiety or despair are not unusual and even the most resilient of individuals is affected. That vulnerability can become much more acute when patients are told that they have a terminal illness and perhaps only six months to live. Such news can be profoundly shocking and can often trigger despair and even suicidal thoughts.

The evidence reflects this reality. Research drawing on data from the Office for National Statistics, King’s College London and the University of Manchester shows that the risk of suicide rises significantly in the first six months after diagnosis. In other words, the period immediately following diagnosis is often when patients are at their most fragile psychologically. This is precisely why we must proceed with great care.

Before introducing the possibility of assisted dying, it seems only prudent to understand the patient’s mental state. Without a proper psychological assessment, we cannot know whether patients are coping as well as they appear to be or whether they may be struggling with depression and even suicidal thoughts. Studies suggest that from 20% up to 40% of patients with advanced cancer experience clinical depression. Dr Rachel Clarke, a palliative care physician, warned the Commons Public Bill Committee exactly about this situation, saying that raising the question of assisted dying can unintentionally place pressure on a vulnerable patient.

Autonomy is often far more fragile and complex than we assume. When someone has just received devastating news, even a carefully framed question may be interpreted in ways that we never intended. Both the Royal College of Physicians and the Royal College of Psychiatrists, as well as palliative care and disability groups, have warned that vulnerable patients are not adequately protected by the Bill as it currently stands.

Ordinary doctors are not usually trained to make complex psychological assessments. According to the Government’s own impact assessment, doctors involved in these early conversations may receive as little as 90 minutes of e-learning and one hour of an online interactive session. Surely that is unlikely to equip them to recognise subtle depressions or suicidal feelings in patients who are already known to be at great risk.

My son is a consultant physician at the largest psychiatric hospital in Berlin. For many years he has worked on the front line treating patients in acute crises and teaching junior doctors how to recognise mental illness. His view is very clear: depression can be remarkably easy to miss if you are not a specialist.

We assume that every human has free will, but this will be impeded by severe depression. People suffering from severe depression may appear calm, rational and composed—they may even seem cheerful—yet internally they may be struggling with profound hopelessness and suicidal thoughts that impair their judgment and decision-making. Research published in the Lancet has shown that general practitioners detect depression in only 50% of cases. This is not a criticism of them. It simply reflects the fact that recognising depression, especially in people with a serious physical illness, requires time, training and specialist experience. In the context of assisted dying, this matters enormously. A misdiagnosis is not a harmless mistake. It can have fatal consequences for a patient whose suicidal thoughts might be treatable and whose desire to die may have been only temporary.

For that reason, many psychiatrists across the United Kingdom and Europe believe that a specialist psychological assessment should come at the very beginning of the process. It is a careful, humane and responsible safeguard that ensures that a request for assisted dying reflects a settled decision, not untreated despair at a moment of profound vulnerability. If we fail to make that assessment first, we risk confusing a treatable cry for help with a settled and autonomous decision to die. To proceed without that knowledge is unfair, unethical and legally questionable, as many noble Lords have said before me. The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, one of the most authoritative medical voices in the Lords, has warned:

“Without proper psychiatric assessment, a request to die may reflect treatable depression rather than a settled wish to end life”.


I very much hope that the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, will take into account these worries and accept my amendment.

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Finally, the noble Baroness, Lady Hayman, spoke as if there was not already at least 3,000 years of philosophy and moral theology devoted to the difficult issues she raised. We know that nobody is obliged to accept medication that keeps them alive artificially if they decide that it is not the right thing for them. Nobody is obliged to accept more blood transfusions that—

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

I am grateful to the noble Lord. I was trying particularly to get to the point of the doctor’s role. I understand what he says, and he is quite right. I was trying to advocate that doctors should be able to have conversations with their patients about care, not just medical treatment—which is the phrase he was using before—to look holistically at what that dying person wants and needs, and be able to respond to their desire not to have any more pain, drugs or treatment. The doctor should be able to talk freely about all those options. In my view of the world, that would include assisted dying, but there is a spectrum.

[Lord Moylan (Con)]

There is, indeed, a spectrum, and the doctor should be able to speak. As I say, there have been 3,000 years of thought given to this. What has resulted from that is a firm conviction that, while some medications that do you good may also do harm—and the doctor has to make careful judgments about that—the active killing of a patient, the actual administration of substances with a view solely to bringing about death, is morally abhorrent.

It may not be morally abhorrent to the noble Baroness, but she has to understand the novelty of this and the violence that she is doing to our inherited moral framework when she—

Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Baroness Hayman Excerpts

Committee stage
Friday 27th February 2026 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Fox of Buckley (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, some intricate and sophisticated schemes have been put forward concerning the nature of the panels. In listening to the noble Lord, Lord Sandhurst, I thought how fascinating it was to hear about the ways in which the Law Society has approached this issue. We have heard a lot of fine speeches challenging everything from the size of the panel to whether it should have investigatory, prosecutorial and even quasi-judicial powers. I suddenly felt like I was in an episode of “CSI” or something; I thought, “They’re only panels”.

At this stage, things are getting so demanding and confusing—and, potentially, overlayered and bureaucratic—that I think we should take a step back. I am very sympathetic to why this has happened. It is driven by a desire for safeguarding and for these panels to have teeth. It is created by the loose wording in the Bill—in my opinion, it is poorly drafted—that means people are asking, “What will these panels be able to do? What should they be able to do? Can we join the dots?”

I want to go back and, more simplistically, if you like, take at face value the panels as they are described by the sponsors of the Bill. They will have three members: a social worker, a legal person, and a psychiatrist or somebody from the psychiatric profession. What will we expect of them? I ask this because just announcing that is not sufficient. Let me say why. I have put my name to Amendment 925A in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Murray of Blidworth, who explained very well what he is trying to do with his amendments. What is needed is a process for how you end up on a panel if you are one of those three people the sponsors want.

Amendment 925A would set up an independent appointments process. It talks about appropriate tests, interviewing people, vetting and so on. That is important, because the one thing we know from all the speeches we have heard is that these panels are going to be important and will make important decisions. You cannot put an ad in the paper saying, “Are you a social worker? Call in”. We have to think about what will be required of them. The noble Lord, Lord Murray, has done us a real service by straightforwardly saying that we need to have a system and that this is necessary, albeit by no means sufficient, to counter any risk of these panels being inadequately staffed by the wrong or inappropriate people and to fulfil the aspirations of the Bill’s sponsors. It is absolutely necessary to counter any notion that the panel members will be just yes-men and yes-women who have turned up. In my opinion, we need to know that they are of the right calibre.

The role of panels is not just crucial in terms of safeguarding for those who go down the assisted dying route. We have heard some important speeches about safeguarding, but we must also consider that a proper process is required to protect panel members themselves from what is potentially likely: the blame game.

I have some qualms about the privacy issue that the noble Lord, Lord Jackson of Peterborough, raised. He conceded that there might be some problems with this. It was another testy exchange with the noble Baroness, Lady Hayter, but we have to consider both sides of that exchange as being valid, because the panels are going to have to take on some difficult issues.

I am sure that the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, will remember what I thought was a tricky exchange on “Newsnight” last year, when he was asked about a situation where a 21 year-old could successfully request an assisted death and their parents would find out about it only after they were dead. Reference has made to the fact that that would happen with suicide, but in this instance, the difference is that heartbroken, grieving mums, dads or other family members would find out not only that their 21 year-old child was dead, but that they had been to a panel of social workers and so on, it had been okayed, and they had not known about it. It is only fair to note that they would want to know exactly on what basis that panel made the decision. They would ask what the qualifications of the people on that panel were. It has to be said that that 21 year-old could have a learning disability, Down syndrome or a previous history of mental illness and had tried to commit suicide in the past. Any people with a similar illness could actually be granted the right to an assisted death by that panel.

You can imagine the multiple scenarios. I thought of that, because I remember in Committee in the other place, Naz Shah, the Labour MP, made an excellent thought-provoking contribution when she said that when such cases happen, the public, including family members of the person who has died, will rightly demand answers and so will the media. They will want to know who the panel members were and why they made the judgment that they did.

There is a lot at stake here. I do not necessarily agree with the view of the noble Lord, Lord Jackson, that everything should be in the public domain, but there will be demands to know what is going on. Is it being hidden away?

The way that Amendment 925A sets up a process will, in the end, protect people, because otherwise, panel members are likely to be on the receiving end of some intrusion whether they like it or not. We have to make sure that the right people are on the panel.

I also just wanted to raise the staffing of these panels. This feels very banal after some of the things people have been talking about, but are there enough social workers and psychiatrists around to go on to the panels? This seems to be a rather practical problem before we get anywhere. At the moment, in terms of professional panellists, there is one psychiatrist on each panel, yet the most recent workforce data shows that one in six consultant psychiatric posts is unfilled. So, that shortfall must cause problems. The Royal College of Psychiatrists has said:

“As things currently stand, mental health services simply do not have the resource required to meet a new range of demands”.


I am just worried that, if the commission struggles to find enough psychiatrists, the temptation will be to appoint anyone available and willing who can be ticked-boxed as a mental health professional. That is a bit nerve-wracking, which is why interviews, qualifications and so on are important.

The same resource deficit challenges exist in terms of legal members who, after all, we are told will replace judges in a way, according to the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer. But who are these legal members? Where will they be found, given the immense financial and resource constraints on the justice system that are so bad, we are told, that the Government are embarking on judicial vandalism, in my opinion, in sacrificing jury trials? If there is a problem of scarcity, is the recruitment of real legal expertise to the panel guaranteed?

Finally, on the third panel members, the social workers, given what the British Association of Social Workers have said about the sector being at capacity—and it has noted that the panel proposals are not resource-light—noble Lords can see that there might be a problem. The shortages of all three panel member professionals are not evenly distributed throughout the country, so what does the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, think about a postcode lottery? What if you cannot find the legal expertise, social worker and psychiatrist in one part of the country where there is a great need? Has he consulted, as the sponsor of the Bill, with the likes of the Royal College of Psychiatrists and the British Association of Social Workers about workforce pressures?

My final question is for the Minister, with regard to the panels. What assessment have the Government made of their workability, given the problems raised by the professional bodies of social workers and psychiatrists? If there are not enough people available, surely the panels will not be workable and therefore this part of the Bill needs to be sorted out; otherwise, there is no point passing it as it stands, because it will never happen.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

My Lords, I am pleased to follow the noble Baroness, Lady Fox of Buckley, not least because I often do not agree with her but I did agree with several of the things she has just said. She started off by talking about the dangers of intricacy in what we lay down in the Bill—about how the panels should conduct themselves. The more I listened to the speeches and the more I read the amendments, the more worried I was about not only the overly bureaucratic nature of this, and the over-engineering of the processes the noble Baroness referred to, but the invasion of privacy on many levels.

We all recognise the role of the panels in safeguarding against abuse, but there will be a range of people. I was thinking of how I would feel on one of the panels, being interrogated along the lines of some of these amendments. The amendment in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Gray of Tottenham, says that I must be asked whether I have discussed the request with my next of kin and any other persons I am close to. Where someone has not done so, they will be asked to discuss their reasons for not doing so. That is way too intrusive and well beyond a way of finding out whether I have been coerced in this situation. It goes much too far, is over-engineered and, in the words we started off with today, is not kind to the majority of those who will be seeking help in circumstances they find intolerable. They find the way in which they are dying intolerable; it is not that they want to end their life, but it is because they are dying. I find that the whole tenor of this conversation does not think about the people who are going to be involved in, and subject to, this process. We have to think about them as well, and balance it with the sort of protections that are needed to make sure that bad things do not happen within these processes.

I was also surprised at the level of involvement in the amendment about children and information in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay—and she and I agree on many things. This is desperately personal stuff within families. The idea that not only should you be consulted on why you have not spoken to a child about this, but that you should have to nominate someone else to report your death, and then you should make sure that there are bereavement services, opens up a whole area. Just like palliative care, bereavement services are very patchy—all over the place—and vary tremendously. Why should this category of parental loss be subject to the obligation of the state to provide bereavement services, as against every other sort of parental loss?

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[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, perhaps I might come in at this point. First, factually, I point out that the amendment that I have tabled does not state “bereavement services”; it states “support”. That is completely different.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

Will the noble Baroness accept that we would have to define “support” and how it is different from “bereavement services”? Then we will have more of these complications.

Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Baroness Hayman Excerpts

Committee stage
Friday 9th January 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Blencathra (Con)]

Why must we finish this group and start the next session with a new amendment? In Committee, we often adjourn at 10 pm when we are half way through a large group, and we come back and polish it off the next day. Nothing in the Companion suggests that we are honour-bound or duty-bound to finish a group on a certain timescale. There is no problem with coming back and completing it then.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

The noble Lord is of course completely correct that there is nothing in the Companion. It is however difficult for many Members, when they have spoken in a debate, not to be able to hear from the Front Benches because they have arrangements for another occasion. I say gently to the last two speakers that we are not talking simply about the Companion; we are talking about last night’s decision and the mood and concern of the House that we make progress. It is very unfair to attack the Government Whips on this when they are trying to work their way through the input of last night’s decision.

[Lord Blencathra (Con)]

I respect what the noble Baroness has said, but it is also the case that it is disrespectful to Members who have prepared speeches, wishing to say something on palliative care, and who deliberately stayed quiet in previous debates so that they could make a point on a subject in which they are interested. They are now being deprived of the opportunity to do so.

Education in Prisons

Baroness Hayman Excerpts

Tuesday 21st October 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Timpson (Lab)]

I met the Chief Inspector of Prisons, Charlie Taylor, yesterday, and we discussed exactly this situation. We discussed, for example, Manchester prison, which used to have over 1,000 prisoners and now has, I think, about 650 to 700. That is why we have reduced the amount of money being spent on education in prisons such as Manchester, because there are just fewer prisoners. The noble and learned Lord is correct that it is about reducing reoffending. We have to focus on that, and education has an important part to play. But it is not just about being in a classroom. When I go and visit prisons, what is more important to the men and women I meet there is them learning a skill so that, when they are out, they can get a job, which means they stay out of prison. Last week, I visited a workshop at Lowdham Grange, where they were making sofas—on which a number of Members of your Lordships’ House probably sit on a regular basis—and a fantastic bricklaying workshop. It is not just about education but about learning skills for jobs on release.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

My Lords—

[Viscount Hailsham (Con)]

My Lords—

[Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms and Chief Whip (Lord Kennedy of Southwark) (Lab Co-op)]

Cross Bench!

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

I am grateful to the noble Lord.

Does the Minister accept that the damage done in individual institutions by cuts in education and skills training is compounded by the effect of the churn going on in the prison population at the moment, meaning that many prisoners are in individual institutions for short periods of time before they are moved to another institution? That is very damaging to the effect, which the Minister was talking about, of having the encouragement to change.

[Lord Timpson (Lab)]

I completely agree. Stability is really important. That is one of the things that I am trying to get into the system. The Sentencing Bill that will come to your Lordships’ House has a real focus on stability. The noble Baroness will know from her fantastic work in prisons that you want to be able to work with an individual for a long period of time to help them turn their life around. When I went to Eastwood Park, a women’s prison just north of Bristol, the average number of days a woman is there is 46. That is just not long enough to support them with their often significantly complex needs.