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Sir John Randall (Uxbridge and South Ruislip) (Con)
It is a delight, Mrs Brooke, to see you in the Chair today. Coming back to Committee Room 10 reminds me of a few years ago, when I raised this same subject in a Westminster Hall debate. At that time, we were also in this room. The then Minister for Europe was one Geoff Hoon. Some of the themes have moved on since then, but I will return to others. It is also a delight to see the Minister. I know that this subject is not his area of expertise—the Minister for Europe is busy elsewhere—but as we are former colleagues at the Whips Office, he will remember my discussions on various subjects, which included the region we are talking about.
Almost exactly 40 years ago, I started at London university studying Serbo-Croat language and literature, and so started my knowledge of and relationship with the region. Today reminds me a little of my student days, because, due to a whole load of work that has come in my constituency in the past couple of days, I have not prepared my essay properly. As so often in the past, I will try to wing it by bluffing my way through. After 40 years, I think I have a reasonable amount of knowledge, but I have no set speech. I would have loved to have given the Minister an advance copy, but no such copy exists. Anyway—here we go.
The current fashion is for people to have a bucket list of things they want to do. For me, it is a list of things I want to get off my chest before I stand down from Parliament at the next general election. The western Balkans is an area that I feel strongly about, because it is of great interest and great importance to the European situation. As we know, it was, sadly, one of the biggest problems in Europe during the latter half of the 20th century.
History in the Balkan area is very important. Here we are, 100 years after the start of the first world war—and we know that the trigger for that was the assassination in Sarajevo of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand by Gavrilo Princip. Interestingly, even now that history has an impact; a lot of people are almost trying to rewrite history or analyse it. The Serbs feel that there is almost an attempt to rewrite it as a Serbian movement when, in fact, Gavrilo Princip was a member of the Young Bosnia, or Mlada Bosna, movement. Members of his team—it was not a very experienced team—included a Bosnian Muslim and others, so it was not just a Serbian thing.
We have to be careful when we remember such events. In fact, there are echoes today, because all through what was then the Austro-Hungarian empire were groups of young people—mostly men and often students—who were dissatisfied and frustrated with the system. They resorted to violence, and we can see where else that is happening in the world.
Next year marks an important year in Serbian history. I will not confine my comments to Serbia; I am just starting off with it. In 1915, the Serbian nation retreated. It did quite well initially against the forces of the Austro-Hungarian empire, but it was beaten back. Bulgaria joined the war and there was a pincer movement, so the Serbs had to retreat. They did not want to be occupied, so the Serbian army, the Serbian Parliament, the Serbian King and the church—they even dug up some of their saints—moved in the middle of winter across the Albanian mountains and went on eventually, with massive sacrifice and massive numbers of deaths, to Corfu. There the British and French reclothed them and so forth and helped get them back to the Salonika front, where they fought their way up.
That was an important moment in Serbian history. It is interesting, in the context of the Balkans, that the Albanians allowed the Serbian army to come through and said that it must be unhindered. Although we sometimes hear of the rivalries today—I say “rivalries”, but they obviously go past that in some respects—these things are not always as deep-seated as people think.
I have a particular interest in this issue and, as Members will know, I am a natural retailer, so I should mention that I am helping with a play. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office is also helping with it. The play, which will tour in the UK and Serbia, is about a British nurse called Flora Sandes, who went out as a nurse and ended up serving in the Serbian army. She was the only British woman who served on the front line as a woman, although there might have been some who disguised themselves.
The play will be about Flora, but also about a Serbian woman called Milunka Savic, and there will be a comparison between the two. Milunka is fascinating, because she was one of the top throwers of grenades. I do not know whether she would be called a grenadier or a bomber. The reason for her skill was that she was a shepherd. She was so used to throwing stones to frighten away wolves and things, she could pinpoint grenades with remarkable accuracy. She was one of the top marksmen with grenades.
The play is coming up, and one reason why I mention it is that it is important to realise the historical link between our nation and the Serbs in that period. We were great allies, and that has continued, except for the latter half of the 20th century and the particular period when we had the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. Despite that recent history, the Serbian national view is that they want to renew that alliance with Britain, and that is something we can do in encouraging their EU aspirations.
Another point on the Salonika front is that I recently went to an exhibition at the School of Oriental and African Studies, which was just next to my old college, the School of Slavonic and East European Studies. There was an exhibition on Sikhs in the Indian army in the first world war and the large number of Muslims who fought for the British—it was the British Indian army—on the Salonika front. Many of them lost their lives. We should highlight that the divides between nations and religions and everything else are not clear-cut. Sometimes, things are polarised in today’s world.
Obviously, the history of close co-operation carried on into the second world war. History must always be in our minds in the Balkan region. I am delighted to see two hon. Members from Northern Ireland here. That region is another example of where we should never forget history, but that does not mean we have to be a slave to it. Northern Ireland is a good example of how we can move on. Some of these regions with divides in their communities can learn from the example of Northern Ireland, and that is why I am particularly delighted to see the two hon. Members.
The history is deeply rooted and for the Serbs it goes back a long way—to the mediaeval period. We all know about Kosovo and all that. There is a sense of being a victim, which was further accentuated in the last part of the 20th century. We must also be aware of some of the terrible things that occurred in Europe in the latter half of the 20th century. Srebrenica, for example, is probably the most obvious and highlighted of the appalling things that happened. I do not think that I will have time during the remainder of my parliamentary career to visit the area, but I hope to be able to, because one has to understand exactly what went on.
Other things went on, however, and one side was certainly not responsible for them all. There are no definite goodies and baddies in such situations; there are lots of both. I recently discovered that the Special Investigative Task Force under lead prosecutor John Clint Williamson has been examining the claims of atrocities—I should perhaps say “alleged atrocities”, but I think we have got past that and that he said that there were atrocities—committed in Kosovo by alleged members of the Kosovo Liberation Army. That has gone a long way to helping people in the region realise that it is not only the victors who say that everything was done against them and that investigations will happen for all concerned.
The problem for so much of central and south-eastern Europe—we are seeing it even further east in Ukraine—lies with realising that the countries are not homogeneous. The peoples who live in those countries are from a wide range of ethnic groupings. One village might speak Serbian while the next might speak Slovak. That is what makes the whole thing so complicated and is a common theme when minorities and their rights are being sorted out.
I want to move briefly on to the use of depleted uranium during bombing and the related health consequences, which are always somewhere at the back of Serb minds, and not only theirs. I do not think the issue has been properly investigated. In 1999, there was a report by someone called Bakary Kante from the UN Environment Programme, but I am not sure whether it has been properly published. We must get such things out into the open.
I am no expert on the south-west of England, but I believe that the recent severe flooding did not greatly affect the East Devon constituency of the Minister—I imagine that it was not very good, but it probably was not appalling. However, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular have experienced extreme flooding. We only heard a little about it, but I was delighted that Britain, as part of a European-wide aid programme, did an awful lot to help. We are possibly victims of not blowing our trumpet and of not letting the Serbs and Bosnians understand how much we sympathise and how much practical help we gave.
There have been many instances throughout the country of individuals and organisations—not national Governments and not even necessarily non-governmental organisations—helping mutually and I found an interesting case the other day. If the Minister for Europe had been here, he would have been particularly interested, because it revolves around his old school. I have discovered that Northwood prep, among other projects around the world including Africa and India through something called the Francis Terry Foundation, has been helping to build kindergartens and play areas in a couple of villages—I think they are villages, but one must be careful—in the Nish area called Toponica and Matejevac. The facilities are allowing people who may otherwise have had to move to the cities, which is a problem in such areas, to have their kids looked after at home. The school has also been visited by the Crown Prince of Serbia and, I think, will be making a trip to a concert in Serbia. That is just one example. An advantage of the internet is that we can link schools and organisations much more easily when compared with the old town-twinning process, which was clunky and involved people going over there and all the related expenses. It is a great way to learn about other peoples.
Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)
The right hon. Gentleman said that he was bluffing his way through his speech, so I commend him, based on the past 15 minutes, on perfecting the art. Does he agree that many UK faith organisations also get involved with offers of help and assistance to the Balkans, particularly through the internet? Given the extent of the deprivation, particularly among young children in some areas, considerable help is being offered, and that should be promoted.
Sir John Randall
I agree entirely with the hon. Gentleman. In fact, some years ago—as I became lost into the Whips Office, some of the dates have passed me by and have been put to one side, like all the memories I have of who did what to whom and when—I remember being closely involved with a faith organisation that was working in several areas of the Balkans. It still does tremendous work, because there is still incredible deprivation among some Roma populations and in some rural areas.
Since being released from the Whips Office, human trafficking and modern slavery have been of great interest to me. In that context, I visited Albania, which was the only country in the region that I had not visited. When I was a student, I would not have been allowed to go to Albania, because I had a beard and in the days of Enver Hoxha that might have made one appear to be an orthodox priest or something, although I am not sure that I resembled such a priest in any other way. However, I was encouraged, because I suppose that I listened over the years to a lot of the propaganda about what was going on in Albania. It is a poor country, but it is making efforts. However, modern slavery and human trafficking must really be considered across the whole region. I say to all those countries that aspire to join the EU, which may be some way off, that that is something on which they can really show leadership by trying to sort it out. Albania is doing what it can, but they all have a long way to go.
Kosovo is obviously probably the thorniest problem in the area, and some countries within the EU still have not recognised an independent Kosovo. The Serbs and the Kosovans have some form of agreement. It will never be far away from becoming a problem, but Baroness Ashton brought people together in a positive move, which should be encouraged. I do not expect an answer today, as this is not the Minister’s area of responsibility, but he could perhaps look into a question for me. When I last visited Kosovo a few years ago, people were still living in containers in some of the enclaves after being displaced from their homes. I am not sure whether that is the current situation, but I was appalled at the time that people in Europe should still be living like that after many years. Perhaps he could look into the matter. Also, some sacred monuments were still having to be guarded by NATO troops, because, even though they are centuries old, they were seen as indicating that Serbian culture had been on that territory, so I would welcome a note at some stage from his colleagues at the Foreign Office on the current situation.
Macedonia, as I am sure people realise, suffers not only from similar problems, but from a problem that I find incredible in today’s world: an EU country is resisting things because it does not think that Macedonia should use the name “Macedonia”. Now that I have raised that in Parliament, I will get e-mails and hate letters from Greek nationalists, as I did the last time that I mentioned it. I remember that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister visited Macedonia when he was an Opposition shadow Minister. When he came back, he wrote an article in The Guardian—one of his favoured organs, I am sure—asking how people in Greece would like to referred to as living in the “former Ottoman province of Greece”.
That such objections go on these days is incredible, but I am aware of the sensitivities. Greece thinks that Macedonia, by having that name, has its sights on territory further down in Thrace and so forth. If we cannot sort out an agreement on a name in the EU, however, our chance of sorting out some of the finer points is a little worrying. Macedonia still has huge problems, not only between the Macedonians and the Macedonian Albanians, but with a large number of other peoples there.
Montenegro I used to know well. Members may know it still, because it has a beautiful coastline, although it is not all coastline; a lot of it is harsh karst scenery and a tough place to live. Montenegro got its independence, but has a huge problem with law and order. It also has a huge problem with smuggling and has a large amount of Russian investment, although perhaps the Russians are moving that to the Crimea at the moment, who knows, because Montenegro has EU aspirations and will be trying to untie slightly the close links that most of the Slavic countries in the area have with Russia. We need to help, because what is going on in Montenegro is a bit of a blot on the whole process.
Serbia I have spoken about, but I will return to it briefly, because I feel that it is moving forward. A lot is still to be done and the British and the EU can encourage the Serbs. We in the UK have a role to play, because of the traditional alliance that we had with them. The more that we can say that is where we are coming from, the better. I am not always simply being charitable; there is a huge opportunity for British trade in the area. Unfortunately, some of the practices in some of those countries do not encourage British trade. In fact, those who are in the diaspora tend to be the pioneers in the area. I commend an organisation, which I know quite well: the Serbian City Club. Young professionals in the UK of Serbian origin are doing an awful lot to encourage people.
David Simpson (Upper Bann) (DUP)
I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on securing the debate. As he says, there is an opportunity in the area for business and investment. My understanding is that the Germans have invested fairly heavily in the agri-foods sector. What more can we do to encourage British businesses to invest there, and what conditions do we need to make it feasible for them to do so?
Sir John Randall
That is a good question. We have to think of ways to give confidence to UK businesses. There have been examples of rather strange practices, such as someone who has signed up an agreement, only to find that the mayor of the local town has changed and that that is no longer the case—company law is not well recognised. Northern Ireland could have huge agricultural possibilities in the Balkans. One of the things that I was looking at with someone, which is still possible, was the organic market and for us to import organic. Given the nature of the situation in those countries over the years, they did not get around to putting all the fertilisers and other things down, so there is huge potential. There are other needs—for example, Serbia would have to get goods through Montenegro on to the coast overland—and such matters would need to be sorted out, because a lot of food, especially fresh food, has to be got out quickly.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is not an area I know well now, although I used to know it well. That is one of the tragedies for me. When I was a student going around Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina seemed to me to be the place where everyone got along together. There was rivalry between Serbia and Croatia, and I could feel the tension in Kosovo between the native Kosovan Albanians and the Serbs living there, but in Bosnia, in spite of the presence of all the different mixes, everyone seemed to get along. The complete and utter tragedy of what happened indicates that we are never far away from disaster—we should never take things for granted. From what I understand, Bosnia still has a long way to go. As someone astutely observed to me, Dayton was a good peace agreement and ceasefire, but it is not a settlement for the country. That is a huge problem, but one we have to deal with.
I have certainly taken up enough time. I can see the relief coming in from Ulster in the Chamber, as always—
Sir John Randall
We will talk about that later. [Laughter.] I am demonstrating the strength of the Union.
As I might not have the opportunity to raise the subject of the western Balkans again, certainly given the length of time I have left in my parliamentary career, may I say that I was delighted to see that Arminka Helic, a former special adviser to the now Leader of the House, has been elevated to the Lords? She originates from Bosnia and knows much about the area. I am sure that the House of Lords will hear a lot of informed views over the coming years.
I thank Mr Speaker for giving me the opportunity of the debate. Even when I am no longer in Parliament, I will raise the subject of the Balkans, because like so many things—similar to the modern slavery issue, but going back a long way for me, 40 years—once it gets under your skin, however frustrating the Balkans is, it is one of the most fascinating areas of Europe. We should be delighted to have an opportunity to do what we can for it.
Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mrs Brooke, and to make a contribution to the debate.
Last week, when my hon. Friend the Member for Upper Bann (David Simpson) was in this Chamber, we were the second largest party; today, we are equal first—numerically, there is a coalition today between the Conservative party and the Democratic Unionist party. The Labour party is here in third place, but there we are, and that will probably change as well—
Jim Shannon
Absolutely. As the good book says, and we adhere to it.
I thank the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Sir John Randall) for securing this important debate. Again, I am glad to have the opportunity to make a contribution.
For many of us the Balkans is an area that we know because of the war that took place there, or because we have had holidays there—in parts, it has become a tourist destination. At the end of the day, we have an interest in it, because we want to see it succeed, its people return to prosperity and an end to the conflict and wars. The right hon. Gentleman, in his introduction, referred to the position there. In Northern Ireland, we have come through a fairly horrific war as well; the terrorist campaign left more than 3,000 dead. As a country, we have moved forward, because we felt that that was the way to do it. There had to be a partnership Government, based on all parties. Perhaps there is a lesson there for the Balkans—indeed there is—to which the right hon. Gentleman referred.
The aim of the Berlin conference was to send a message of support for the Balkan countries’ European ambitions and to bolster the promises that the European Union made to those countries in more self-confident days. Those promises now seem uncertain, particularly as tensions and security concerns within the region remain. There is a clear need to help the economies in those countries to create jobs—creating jobs will create prosperity and, we hope, stability. My hon. Friend the Member for Upper Bann (David Simpson) made a salient intervention on the agri-food industry. The Balkans are ripe for modernisation and new agricultural ideas. Jobs will come off the back of that, as well as self-sufficiency. We should aim to make that happen.
Even in the midst of its own internal crisis and the worsening global crises from Ukraine to Iraq, Europe can ill afford to neglect the one region in which the EU has assumed full leadership as a foreign and security policy actor. Negative developments in the Balkans could reverse gains in the region, such as those made in Serbia and Kosovo, increase instability in other countries on the EU’s immediate borders and further weaken Europe’s credibility and cohesion. As the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip said, the Balkans are a vital region; the area is as important now as it was historically and the concerns are just as great today.
It should be acknowledged that the nations of the western Balkans face significant economic difficulties that are not of their own making. Their relative distance from the EU’s largest and wealthiest markets and their proximity to Greece mean that they have felt the impact of Europe’s economic crisis more than most, which is no doubt part of the reason for their enthusiasm about joining a group of economically friendly states. All member states have been hit hard by the recession, but have had one another to depend on, trade with and, in some cases, even borrow from; there has been real deprivation in many parts of the Balkans, and putting food on the table has been a problem for many people. Some people have been unable to do so: the Library information pack says that in some areas of the Balkans, up to 90% of the population are unable to get food on a regular basis. That is the reality for many people there.
At the same time, there is some confidence, because many people in the Balkans felt that 2014 was a year in which things were going to get better; in a way, they have, although not really to the extent that people had hoped. We still hope that that will happen. The first aim should be to reduce the political risk factors involved in doing business in the region. The Balkan wars are a fading memory for most of us, but there has been little in the way of real reconciliation. The different ethnic communities of Bosnia and Herzegovina continue to live separate lives. Serbia has normalised relations with Kosovo, but does not really recognise it. Even Greece’s unresolved objection to describing the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia as Macedonia damages the politics of the region. The fight over words and the historical issues are important. While those dividing lines and hostilities remain, investment will look like a risk, rather than a sure thing. Those who want to invest need to be reassured by the people in the area that things are moving forward.
Countries in the region are already members of various regional European groupings such as the Organisation of the Black Sea Economic Co-operation, the Central European Initiative and the Central European Free Trade Agreement. More importantly, their shared will to become members of international organisations, such as the EU, NATO or the Council of Europe, denotes common political interests and similar attitudes towards the international environment.
While all that is happening, we have the Russian bear, in the shape of Putin, looking towards eastern states and the Balkans, where Russia once had influence. It is with some concern that we look from afar at Putin’s expansionist policies and wonder where they will end.
The western Balkan countries have made significant progress in improving regional security and moving towards EU integration, especially in the bilateral relations between Serbia and Kosovo, internally in Bosnia and Herzegovina and with regard to the EU integration of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The biggest contribution to regional security co-operation has been the signing of the framework agreement between Serbia and Kosovo, which launched the basis for peaceful and regular communication between the two. That agreement should work as a benchmark for other regions in the Balkans. It may only be small at the moment, but there is a foundation in place, which I believe could serve as a marker for the future.
Despite all the positive developments in regional security co-operation, there are still security challenges that require attention from all, and dealing with those challenges needs to be the second aim for the region. We need to see advancements in the fight against organised crime, for example: there are groups in the area that are clearly real organised crime groups; it is not just what we see in the films. My colleague in the other place, Lord Morrow, has brought forward a Bill on human trafficking for Northern Ireland, which I believe would set a precedent for the whole United Kingdom. My hon. Friends agree, and we have suggested to the UK Government that they should look at that Bill as a precedent for other measures for the United Kingdom. We all recognise, as Lord Morrow does, that human trafficking is an issue we face. It is an issue in the Balkans and is part of the organised crime there.
Dealing with political extremism and radical structures is also crucial for the Balkans to achieve long-term security and stability. There has been a significant decline in ordinary crime in the western Balkans, but organised crime and corruption—mainly drug trafficking, money laundering and human trafficking—are still present and have a great impact, facilitated by poor law enforcement.
My hon. Friend the Member for East Londonderry (Mr Campbell) mentioned the work of faith groups. The Minister and I have talked about that on many occasions—I am pleased to see him in his place today, because I know his response will be helpful—and he knows about the good work the faith groups in the area do. I am aware of it from not just a spiritual but a practical point of view: those church groups help people to realise their ambitions and potential, and do fantastic work.
In conclusion, to reduce the risk of escalating outbursts of violence, the international community’s engagement and presence in the region continue to be necessary. Accountability, currently the weakest element in security sector governance in the western Balkan countries, needs further support.
I have already asked your permission to leave early, Mrs Brooke, as I have a meeting with the Thalidomide Trust. I have spoken to the Minister and the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip as well. If I leave at about 10.25 am, I hope you know that I will have done so for no other reason than that I have to be somewhere else.
Eric Ollerenshaw (Lancaster and Fleetwood) (Con)
I am sorry I did not put in a note to ask to speak, Mrs Brooke: I was inspired to speak partly by the speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Sir John Randall) and partly because I have just returned from Bosnia and Herzegovina. That trip was my third visit since 2009. My right hon. Friend said he did not have much experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina; perhaps those three trips have given me a little experience. Also, in the past I was a history teacher—and not a bad one—so I can claim some knowledge from that.
I want to give hon. Members a flavour of those visits. I first went out in 2009, before the election, as part of a project called Project Maja, set up by Baroness Warsi to get politicians to go out to places and do some work there. We raised some money over here, working with another charity, the Fund for Refugees in Slovenia, which is led by a remarkable lady who I think is well known to the Minister—Lady Nott, the wife of Sir John Nott, the former Secretary of State for Defence. She set up that charity, which is still going, and she still works tirelessly to help mainly refugees from the conflict in Bosnia in the 1990s. She had incredible support from Baroness Thatcher on the quiet, and the charity has raised millions over the years to rebuild homes and villages that had been destroyed.
We raised money to help Lady Nott’s efforts to rebuild two more houses up in the villages above Srebrenica. I am sure hon. Members can imagine what it was like going to Srebrenica in 2009. I went again this year, and the divisions are still palpable. Hon. Members from Northern Ireland may know more about that than I do: the only division I really know and understand is the one between Lancashire and Yorkshire—and long may it remain. We felt the tension on the streets when we were living in Srebrenica. We went up into the hills to finish rebuilding these buildings using the money we had raised with the help of Lady Nott. I never managed to congratulate her formally on being awarded the OBE in 2013, which was some recognition for the tireless work she has undertaken in that region.
We were stood in this village with a lady—we had managed to raise some money to help repair her house—in this incredibly beautiful country, almost like Switzerland up in the hills. We asked her why she had come back. This lady had lost three sons, a husband and two of her brothers-in-law. They were all killed. She was a Bosniak—a Bosnian Muslim—and had had to flee. Her house had been burned down. She came back with her daughter-in-law and her little grandchild. That was all that was left of her family.
This lady said—through a translator, of course, and a lot more was perhaps lost in the translation—“They will not win” and that they had come back for the sake of the family who were killed. We could see Serbia—we could almost touch it across the valley—yet they had come back with the immense support of the charity set up by Lady Nott.
Dr William McCrea (South Antrim) (DUP)
I thank the hon. Gentleman for giving way and congratulate the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Sir John Randall) on introducing the debate. I know something of the feeling that has just been expressed: that we will not allow them to win. That has carried many people in Northern Ireland through very difficult days with the IRA. However, the scars of war last a very long time. With war come deprivation, poverty, grief and division. How does the hon. Gentleman feel the international community has helped the area he is speaking about to heal those scars of war?
Eric Ollerenshaw
The people in that particular incident are aware of the international community and of the Dayton agreement, which I will say something about. However, it is even more important for them to see British politicians, such as ourselves. I was out there with my hon. Friends the Members for Thurrock (Jackie Doyle-Price) and for Bournemouth East (Mr Ellwood), who is now a Minister in the Foreign Office. He laid out a football pitch in this village—and, of course, given his military training, was ordering the rest of us around, but that is another story.
We felt that it was at least something tangible for those people to see politicians from what they regard as the other end of the world trying to help them, aside from the high-ranking meetings that had gone on, the treaties and all the rest of it. I do not know whether that is the case in Northern Ireland. The human dimension and human contact are one of the greatest touchstones. We were from mixed religions, of course.
The lady we met told us that people had grown up in these villages as a mix of Orthodox Serbs, Catholic Croats and Bosniak Muslims. They had grown up and played together. They had gone to church or to mosque on high days and holidays. This terrible thing then happened that divided them. Srebrenica is actually in Republika Srpska, which is part of Bosnia. I have been to Bosnia three times and I still find it really difficult to work out how that country is managed politically.
One of the points I want to make is that the Dayton agreement ended the bloodshed, but it is as though Bosnia and Herzegovina is frozen in time and cannot move forward. The international community has huge issues to consider in Syria, which we are about to debate in the Chamber, and in the east, but we cannot forget, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip said in his introduction, that we are talking now about where the spark that started the first world war happened. We still have unreconciled issues. Although there is no fighting going on, we should not forget that there is a need to move Bosnia and Herzegovina on. As my right hon. Friend mentioned, Serbia may join the European Community, as Croatia has. That would be a great thing. However, to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina out when they regard themselves as the victims seems to me to be a dangerous miscalculation.
Sir John Randall
My hon. Friend is making a very powerful speech. I will have to talk to him more about Bosnia after the debate. Although in some respects I am not the greatest fan of the EU for ourselves, these countries’ aspiration to get into the EU at some stage—although it is some way off—will drive them together. They could ultimately be a Balkan bloc in the EU, which could be a uniting factor.
Eric Ollerenshaw
My right hon. Friend is exactly right. He mentioned the floods. We saw the evidence of the floods. That is another thing we should not forget: there are still thousands of people in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in Serbia, without a roof over their heads. The fact that the floods have gone away and are not on the television, as it were, does not mean that the aid should stop and that we should forget about them. My right hon. Friend is exactly right. The point goes back to what I said to the hon. Member for South Antrim (Dr McCrea): the human contact will be a great help to push past the history.
My right hon. Friend spoke about the history. I want to give an anecdote from my first trip in 2009. As an ex-history teacher, I spent the whole trip trying to explain about the Habsburg empire. I will not go into the history curriculum, but a really good thing about this Government is that we are getting back to a proper history curriculum, so people might know what the Habsburg empire was. That is a side issue.
We visited Sarajevo and went to the spot where the archduke and his wife were assassinated. We then went to the biggest mosque in the city to meet the Grand Mufti, the head of the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina. One sometimes wishes we had a Grand Mufti in Britain; that might help in certain senses. He was recognised as the leading figure among Muslims. The mosque was in the Ottoman style, and we sat on very low benches. The Grand Mufti came in; he clearly was the Grand Mufti from everything he was wearing: he looked like something from an Ottoman court, a great man. He first words, in English—remember this was 2009—were, “This mosque is the Emperor’s mosque. It was restored by the Emperor Franz Joseph. The last time Bosnia and Herzegovina was run properly was by the Habsburgs.” We could see the shades of the history that my right hon. Friend talked about pouring down on us.
I went back in 2011, again as part of Project Maja, to help redo a special needs school. That was alongside my hon. Friends the Members for Pudsey (Stuart Andrew) and Milton Keynes South (Iain Stewart). We were working alongside Bosnian politicians, trying to help out in a special needs school, because that school made no distinction about religion. That was a real opportunity to demonstrate something.
Finally, I went out this year with my hon. Friends the Members for Redditch (Karen Lumley), for High Peak (Andrew Bingham), for South Basildon and East Thurrock (Stephen Metcalfe) and for Romsey and Southampton North (Caroline Nokes), and also with a Member of the House of Lords, the Earl of Courtown. I remember a remarkable situation. We were discussing with Bosnian politicians how there had been no movement from Dayton and that they were stuck in a tripartite situation. The chairman of the Bosnian party explained how one of the issues they had was trying to move on from what was essentially a feudal system. The Earl of Courtown said that his situation was, of course, feudal as well. The chairman replied that his was also because he was an hereditary Bey from the days of the Ottoman empire. Nothing much changes.
I have been to Srebrenica three times to see the memorial and have taken new Members to it. One of my proudest moments in this Parliament was in July two years ago, when the British Government became the first Government in Europe to have a solemn memorial at Lancaster House in recognition of the Srebrenica massacre. That memorial was held for the second time last year.
On my recent visit, we had a long meeting with the International Commission on Missing Persons, which, if any good can come out of such terrible things, is perhaps a good, because of the training it has provided in Bosnia in finding and tracing families and remains through DNA. It should not be forgotten that the graves of many people who were massacred were dug up, and the bones scattered, in a deliberate attempt to prevent families from being traced. The commission has much support, including that of Britain—and long may that continue. Its techniques are now being used across the world.
I want in particular to express my respect for Adam Boys, who has been in the region for 20 years as a commission director; I think he has said that this will be his last year before returning. He has done incredible work. It is funny to discover what a small world it is: when I first met him three years ago he told me that as a boy he spent all his summer holidays in Fleetwood, which is clearly a preparation for becoming a director of the International Commission on Missing Persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Our group went to a room where there were more than 1,000 separate bags of remains—bones—whose DNA was still being tracked. I must admit that I had not thought about this before, but it was explained to us how originally an attempt was made to trace people using their clothing; however, clothing can be misinterpreted, and it rots, in time. Using DNA requires the DNA of living family members, but we can imagine that if someone has survived a massacre, and then some official wants their DNA, they will be extremely suspicious. It has taken years to convince families that it may be a way of tracing people.
We went to Srebrenica and laid flowers—that small but important thing that humans do as a form of recognition. We talked to an old lady there, from Mothers of Srebrenica. She said that at least this year she had something of her 14-year-old son, who had been lost. She had two bones that had been found, which were traceable as his, and she said that at least she had been able to have a burial. Bosnia and Herzegovina have left the television screens, and the events may even be taught as part of modern history—they will be seen as something that happened. However, the situation has not, in fact, moved on a great deal. It is perhaps not a priority for the international community, and that is worrying and dangerous for the long term.
The principal reason for our visit this year was, following what the previous Foreign Secretary did to raise sexual violence in war up the agenda, to assist Medica Zenica—in the town of Zenica. The charity was created after the war to help women scarred by sexual violence in the war, as well as children who resulted from that sexual violence. We had raised some money for an extension to the charity, and being humble Members of Parliament we were put to work painting walls. That was some help, but the real help was perhaps in raising the money and highlighting the charity.
We spent two days doing that work. The children of the sexual violence that happened are now in their 20s. What is a mother to say to their son or daughter about what happened and where they came from—in a society where religious background is critical? I pay tribute to the continued work of Medica Zenica.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip spoke about travelling in Albania. During our visit we were told that one of the next big things to deal with was the trafficking across Bosnia and Herzegovina. There were children there; we could not be told where they had come from for reasons of legal protection, but clearly the trade was moving through.
Sir John Randall
I did not want to imply that it was only Albania that had those problems. It is the whole area. Some places are destinations, some are transit areas, and some are where the victims come from, but the whole region is involved.
Eric Ollerenshaw
I understand that. There are boundaries that to some are not boundaries—a Croat in Bosnia can enter Croatia and a Serb in Bosnia Herzegovina can enter Serbia, and so on. The issue that I want to raise is that the Bosniak population, essentially a Muslim population, has nowhere else. They are European Muslims. In one sense, given the way that the world is and the way communities are behaving, they are the Muslim group—European Muslims who have been Muslim for hundreds of years—that should be a force in Europe, showing that there is a form of moderate Islam, which works.
I have given a personal account of three visits to part of the Balkans. I have only once been to the Serbian side, to Belgrade. I suppose that other hon. Members who have made more such trips than I have will have felt as I did before flying home, and wondered how such things could happen in such an incredibly beautiful country. That is the thought that leads us on.
I am grateful to my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip for raising the issue. Perhaps, although the western Balkans are absent from television screens, this debate will highlight the huge issues that remain for our Government and other European Governments to deal with, so that they do not forget.
Mr Gareth Thomas (Harrow West) (Lab/Co-op)
A Tory MP’s retirement is not always a moment for sadness on the Labour Benches, but I feel that the House will be a little poorer for the departure of the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Sir John Randall), partly because of his good sense of humour, but also—in today’s context—because of his knowledge of and interest in the western Balkans. I congratulate him, in the usual way, on securing the debate and on the way he introduced the subject, despite constituency pressures.
I had the privilege of visiting Sarajevo, Banja Luka and Kosovo as an International Development Minister in the previous Government—in 2004, I believe. I welcome the opportunity to return to some of the issues that I looked at then and to join other Members in assessing the progress, or lack of it, since that time.
The right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip referred in passing to depleted uranium, and I shall be interested to hear the Minister’s response. His comments reminded me of one element of my visit 10 years ago, which was to consider the funding that the Department for International Development was giving to the work of de-mining charities. I suspect that there is still a huge amount of unexploded ordnance in the Balkans as a result of the recent conflicts. It would be helpful to hear from the Minister, although perhaps not now, about the matter that the right hon. Gentleman raised and the more general one of how Britain and the EU might continue to help deal with unexploded ordnance.
The hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) made an interesting speech and dwelt at one point on the impact of organised crime and human trafficking in the western Balkans, touching on the potential impact on our shores. It would be helpful to hear more from the Minister about how UK Government resources are helping to tackle the continued threat to our borders from organised crime in the western Balkans.
As one history teacher to another, I enjoyed the speech of the hon. Member for Lancaster and Fleetwood (Eric Ollerenshaw). He gave a powerful account of the terrible trauma of the mother who had only just received a small part of the remains of her 14-year-old son. We remember not only those who lost their lives in the conflict, but those families still living who do not know what happened to some of their missing relatives, or have had no remains returned to them and therefore have no closure. That is extremely important.
The 1990s, as hon. Members recognise, saw the violent break-up of former Yugoslavia. As we have touched on, the scars from those conflicts still run very deep in much of the western Balkans. The right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip and the hon. Member Lancaster and Fleetwood alluded to the massacre in Srebrenica, which stands out as probably one of the worst moments of a truly dreadful period in the region’s history.
The period since then has seen a gradual return to basic political stability, but the recent financial crisis and the economic traumas that that ushered in have had a big impact on the lives of many people in the region. Political and economic stability and, crucially, better governance matter very much in the western Balkans and further conflict would inevitably have an impact here in the UK. The central point made by the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip that the House must continue to pay attention to events in that part of Europe’s back garden was extremely well made.
The hon. Member for Strangford alluded to the considerable economic challenges. Unemployment, especially youth unemployment, remains extremely high throughout the western Balkans, while levels of economic growth are low at best, and organised crime and corruption still have too strong a hold.
Croatia joined the European Union recently and membership remains a powerful attraction for other countries in the region, helping to incentivise reform. Important as Britain’s direct relationship is with each individual country and their political leaders in the western Balkans, it is perhaps their relationship with the European Union that matters most in geopolitical terms, although, as the hon. Member for Strangford said, Russia remains a powerful near neighbour.
If the Minister does nothing else in response to my comments, I hope he will dwell on how he sees the relationship between the European Union and the western Balkans developing. For example, how will crucial finance institutions, such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development or the European Investment Bank develop their role in the region? What are the priorities for European neighbourhood budget funding for the region? How does the Minister see the political relationship between the countries of the western Balkans and the EU developing? Despite the current challenges they all face, are all the western Balkan countries potential candidates for accession to the EU in due course?
I turn to individual countries. Kosovo is particularly poor economically compared with others in the region, with more than half the population living in poverty. The tensions between the ethnic Serb minority and the Albanian majority are still very evident. The EU brokered an important deal in 2013 in an effort to normalise relations between the two communities, with ethnic Serbs in northern Kosovo having their own police and appeal court, but they are now voting for the same local government bodies as Albanians. It would be helpful to hear the Minister’s assessment of how those new arrangements are working on the ground.
I understand that Kosovo possesses considerable mineral resources, but agriculture is still its main economic activity. It would be good to hear whether the Minister is aware of any efforts, perhaps encouraged by the EU or specific financial institutions, such as the World Bank, to encourage development of those resources.
Serbia began accession talks with the EU in January. Given its recent history, Serbia’s progress has been remarkable and its political leaders deserve praise for that progress. It became a stand-alone, sovereign republic only in the summer of 2006 after Montenegro voted for independence from the post-Milosevic union of Serbia and Montenegro. The evolution of its relationship with Kosovo has been particularly challenging for the Serbian people and even now, despite the EU-brokered deal with Kosovo, Serbia insists that it does not recognise its former province’s independence.
There has been the challenge of rounding up the former senior political and military figures from Serbia’s most brutal past to face justice in The Hague, a crucial and important part of Serbia’s recent journey. How does the Minister view the EU’s talks with Serbia, and when might accession take place? One thing that Ministers, Back Benchers and the Opposition can do is to visit political leaders in the western Balkans and encourage reform. It would be good to hear whether Ministers have visited Serbia recently to continue to encourage progress towards EU accession.
Albania is one of the poorest countries in Europe. Unemployment remains high at 13%, and poor quality infrastructure and corruption continue to deter significant foreign investment. Transparency International says that Albania remains the most corrupt country in Europe. Clearly, sorting out that corruption and tackling organised crime remain two of the principal elements for Albania’s future progress. I understand that those two issues had originally motivated in part the Government’s opposition to Albania’s candidature for EU membership. It would be helpful to hear from the Minister specifically what changed the Government’s mind in June.
If media reports are to be believed, the Prime Minister has made it clear that any future accessions will have to be subject to new transitional controls. It would be helpful to hear from the Minister a little more about the Government’s thinking about the nature of those new transitional controls that might be imposed on Albania as part of any accession agreement.
Bosnia and Herzegovina faces a particularly challenging future, as the hon. Member for Lancaster and Fleetwood and the right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip acknowledged, with ongoing political instability and huge economic challenges, coupled with the remaining deep ethnic divides. There is 40% unemployment at the moment, and almost 60% unemployment among the young. Corruption is a huge issue and includes accusations of a series of privatisation scams that are holding back economic development
The right hon. Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip referred to the Dayton peace agreement, which was signed in Ohio in 1995. It forced the two sides in the Bosnian war to form a single country, but with two sets of state institutions, laws and Parliaments, as well as a federal Government. Efforts to reform that system of government—it took almost 16 months to produce a federal Government after the last election—have not been successful, and resentment at the state of politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the economy has produced considerable anger with demonstrations in February, talk of a Bosnian spring and the leadership of the ethnic Serbs in the Republika Srpska arguing for independence from Bosnia. How does the Minister see the future for Bosnia and what further efforts does he expect from, for example, the EU—perhaps the new High Representative—to help to broker a more sustainable political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina?
Macedonia has emerged, as the right hon. Gentleman suggested, from a particularly difficult year in 2001, with agreement recently that it should become a candidate for EU membership. Again, corruption remains a challenge and political tensions remain too, following elections in April. An assessment of Macedonia’s political situation and how quickly progress towards EU accession might happen would be welcome from the Minister.
In summary, the western Balkans remain a politically fragile and very economically challenged part of Europe’s neighbourhood, and it is incumbent on the UK to play a role in continuing to encourage an easing of those political tensions and economic progress. I look forward to hearing from the Minister how he sees the UK’s role in doing exactly that.
The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Mr Hugo Swire)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Sir John Randall) on securing the debate. As he said, my right hon. Friend the Minister for Europe would have been delighted to respond, but he is currently travelling on ministerial duties. It is therefore my pleasure to respond on behalf of the Government.
I pay tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip for his long-term interest in and contribution to our relations with the western Balkans. I thank the all-party parliamentary groups for their important role in building links with the region. He said that he had not prepared a speech; clearly, he did not need to. Perhaps if more Members spoke from knowledge and from the heart, as he did this morning, rather than just reading out prepared scripts, this place would be all the better for it. He is steeped in the Serbo-Croat language and literature and knows what he is talking about, which can, in this place, be both dangerous and place him in an almost unique position.
The UK’s relationship with the western Balkans is long and deep, as we have heard from both sides of the House. We reflected on that relationship this summer, as we commemorated the centenary of the outbreak of the first world war. The fact that, in effect, the first shots of the war rang out in Sarajevo, as we all know, reminds us why the stability and security of that region are so important to our country and the world.
My right hon. Friend has given valuable support to the commemoration activity. He alluded to the role played by Flora Sandes, Britain’s pioneering combatant in the war, and I much enjoyed the reasons he gave for the throwing of grenades, from the previous training as a shepherd. I am particularly pleased that my Department will be involved in touring the play, which I believe is coming over to the UK.
The hon. Member for Harrow West (Mr Thomas), who speaks for the Opposition, mentioned Srebrenica, as did others. How could we debate the western Balkans without mentioning it? I hope that my right hon. Friend, when he has more time, will travel to Srebrenica. My hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Fleetwood (Eric Ollerenshaw), again, in a very inspiring and knowledgeable speech, alluded to the expertise and knowledge that he had gained from travelling there on a number of occasions. He also mentioned the Fund for Refugees in Slovenia—of which I still, I should declare, remain a trustee—and the work of the founder of the fund, Lady Nott, who he said I know well. Actually, I know Lady Nott so well that she woke me up this morning—before the salacious gossip mongers and writers get too excited about that, I should also confess that she is, in fact, my mother-in-law. She has done a remarkable job and continues to do so.
I also pay tribute to the fact that we now recognise the charity Remembering Srebrenica and we are doing more, on an annual basis, to remember the horrors that went on. The Fund for Refugees still does incredibly good work without any Government resource in rebuilding the shattered communities around Srebrenica. It is all privately funded. I have never quite understood why we do not fund it, but I am not allowed to go down that road really. I urge the shadow Minister and, indeed, my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip, when they go to Srebrenica, to see some of the work that the fund has done in trying to plant orchards and rebuild communities, very often without men, because the men are simply not there. It has done a remarkable job and I am most grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Fleetwood for raising it, as I know he has been a stalwart supporter of it.
My hon. Friend mentioned the issue of moderate Muslims in that part of the world, which is a key point. I think that there is evidence of some radicalisation now taking place, and that needs to be looked at and stamped out very quickly indeed.
The need for stability in the western Balkans remains a crucial priority today. The UK has, for two decades, been a providing a significant contribution to that, along with our NATO and EU allies. We demonstrated our commitment with our swift response to the devastating floods in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina earlier this year. The UK provided the team leader for the EU-wide civil protection response, other experts for the broader EU effort and emergency equipment, including radios and vehicles. In addition, at the recent international donors’ conference, the UK pledged an initial £2 million bilaterally for reconstruction work—the sort of work that the hon. Member for Harrow West will be familiar with from his time as a Minister of State in the Department for International Development.
It is, however, sadly too soon to say that the western Balkans have achieved the irreversible stability and prosperity that the people of the region deserve. Many challenges remain—we have heard about them this morning—from corruption, weak governance and shaky institutions to a lack of the rule of law in some places. Security is not yet entrenched, and, as is obvious from the nationalist rhetoric and Republika Srpska’s secessionist aspirations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that remains the case there. Those are their challenges but our concerns. The security and stability of the Balkans and the rest of Europe are interdependent. Neither containment nor neglect are the answer. That is why we are proactive in helping the Governments in the region to try to tackle those issues through political and economic reform.
The hon. Gentleman mentioned the EU. The EU and NATO accession processes are the best means to drive that reform and are the only source, frankly, of long-term stability in the region. Although we have seen significant progress in the past few years, not least in Croatia’s accession to the EU in 2013, the integration of the region into Euro-Atlantic structures remains unfinished. There is work to be done. The UK is committed to supporting the further enlargement of the EU with all the western Balkans, on the basis of firm but fair conditionality.
The hon. Gentleman talked about future legislation to do with population changes, which is a very topical subject here in the United Kingdom at the moment. The conditionality that I referred to must also help ensure that future enlargements will not lead to mass migrations. It is clear that transitional controls on free movement for future enlargements cannot be done, as was done in the past. We want to start a debate in the EU about what new arrangements might look like, but they must be robust and command public confidence.
Mr Swire
My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said that he will not agree to any new member state joining the EU until new transitional controls are in place, and that would represent something new and important. We have worked hard with our European partners to ensure that the previous weaknesses of the enlargement processes are addressed with rigorous and early action on rule of law failures. We will sustain and intensify our work to ensure that the principle of freedom of movement is not abused. I hope that, in that work and with that change, we will get the support of Her Majesty’s loyal Opposition.
Mr Thomas
We would be very interested in supporting the Government, but we would like to know what they are proposing. The Minister has given—I say this gently, as this has been a very good debate up to now—a rather general response. It would be helpful to have a little more specific detail on what the Government are proposing to talk about with our European colleagues.
Mr Swire
Of course, the details will be unrolled as we begin our negotiations, but if we can bank it, as a starting point, that the Opposition will agree in principle that new transitional controls must be in place for any new member state to join the EU, that will be something we can take to Europe.
Sir John Randall
Something that we can discuss and that I often hear about is that businesses and important people coming over still have problems getting visas. Although I would be absolutely onside with the arrangements that we hope to have when new countries come into the EU, the existing ones on visas should be smartened up a bit; otherwise it does not say much to those important people we are trying to get to come over. The reason may be cultural; it may be sporting; it is certainly business; and there is a problem.
Mr Swire
Indeed. This issue is raised with us across the Department from all parts of the world; it is not unique to the western Balkans. I think that, on the whole, our visa processes are improving.
Against the background that I have set out, I welcome the start of EU accession negotiations with Serbia earlier this year. Much has been achieved during the past 15 years, but there is much left to do. The UK supports Serbia’s reforms and, in particular, its media reform. Progress has been made in Serbia-Kosovo relations, but there remain major challenges, not least in the economic sphere and in relations with its neighbours.
I pay tribute to the courageous steps taken by both Serbia and Kosovo to improve their relationship. The agreement between the two countries in April 2013 was an historic moment for reconciliation. Both sides must now ensure, though, that the agreement is not just written on paper but turned into practice, so that it can lead to the full normalisation of relations through the EU-facilitated dialogue.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip, who sponsored this debate, asked in relation to Kosovo what had been done to address the situation of displaced Serbs, including those still living in containers. We very much agree that that is an important issue, both from a humanitarian point of view and for long-term reconciliation. This Government remain the biggest bilateral donor supporting the Kosovo Serbs. I will write to my right hon. Friend about the specific issue that he raised about whether sacred monuments in Kosovo are still being guarded. That, of course, is a subject close to my heart. We will find out what the latest on that is and write to him.
Before I move on properly to Kosovo, I want to return briefly to Serbia. We must encourage Serbia to continue to play an increasingly positive role in the region, and I urge Belgrade to do more, particularly when it serves as chair of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe next year. That is a real opportunity for it. We strongly urge Serbia to align more closely with EU member states on key foreign policy issues, especially the one that is now very pregnant: relations with Russia and the whole situation in Ukraine.
I shall revert now to Kosovo. The shadow Minister asked about Kosovo and the EU. We hope that Kosovo will also start on its own EU path shortly, with the signature of a stabilisation and association agreement. That will allow the EU to intensify discussions on reforms, so helping to build a Kosovo with a prosperous future for all its communities and minorities. In the meantime, we will encourage Kosovo to make progress on the normalisation of its relationship with Serbia.
In this tour d’horizon of the region, I now move effortlessly across to Montenegro. I welcome the recent efforts in Montenegro—for example, in aligning itself with EU positions on Ukraine, despite significant pressure from Russia. Montenegro, like Serbia, has responded positively to the incentives of the EU enlargement plan, and we are encouraged by the progress being made as part of the EU accession process. However, let us be in no doubt. There remain many challenges—in particular, progressing Montenegro’s work against organised crime and corruption—but we commend the strong progress that it is making towards joining NATO. Last week’s successful NATO summit in Wales confirmed our intention to initiate focused and intensified talks.
I come now to Albania. I have always been rather fascinated by Albania since I came across a history of Albania written by—I do not know whether he was a kinsman of mine—J. Swire, a big red book, which I have yet to read. In fact, I am meant to be lending it to the former high commissioner to Australia, who has now gone to Rome and who looks after Albania. I promised that I would lend him the book. J. Swire went out to Albania, I think, as a tutor—to a young King Zog, I should imagine. Albania has always held a fascination for me, and I am pleased to say that Albania, too, is making progress now. The new Government are serious about strengthening the rule of law, with a major plan to tackle organised crime, corruption and judicial reform. In the first half of 2014, there were major police operations against drugs and a 70% increase in arrests for human trafficking.
I think that I am right in saying that my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip has just been to Albania—
Mr Swire
That was with our friend and former colleague, Anthony Steen, who has done so much to help the Government on human trafficking. Some of the Northern Irish MPs spoke earlier about what is going on in Northern Ireland now, and I was pleased, when I was a Northern Ireland Minister, to take Anthony Steen over to Northern Ireland, where an all-party group on trafficking was set up at Stormont. I pay tribute to the work that he continues to do.
Sir John Randall
May I give a little plug for the fact that we are still trying to get human trafficking groups set up around Europe and are always on the lookout for some funding from the Foreign Office?
Mr Swire
A point well made.
The issues to which I referred have an impact on the UK, and we are a leading supporter of Albania’s efforts to combat them. For example, we have signed memorandums of understanding with Albania on information sharing, and in July of this year our embassy in Tirana funded a border police processing and debriefing facility. That doubled capacity at Tirana airport for returns of failed asylum seekers and other irregular migrants, and it sends a clear message that the UK is serious about cutting back on illegal migration from Albania.
Although there is much progress in the western Balkans, we must ensure that the whole region is moving forward, and worryingly that cannot be said at the moment of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The country faces constitutional paralysis and ethnic division through a lack of reforms and economic stagnation. Bosnia’s politicians owe it to their people to provide jobs and prosperity. Instead, they keep them hostage to nationalist rhetoric, which is a cover for their failure to meet ordinary citizens’ aspirations. In addition, the daily challenges to Bosnia’s sovereignty by the openly secessionist leadership in the entity of Republika Srpska are on the increase. We are clear: the redrawing of borders in the western Balkans is finished, so we urge political leaders there to respond fully to the EU’s offer of support and to heed legitimate calls from the Bosnian population. The upcoming elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina will be an important opportunity for those voices to be heard.
The United Kingdom stands ready, with our EU partners, to support the process. Our contribution to Bosnia’s stability already provides foundations for the country to build on. We play a significant role in the EUFOR peacekeeping mission in Bosnia, increasing UK troop numbers this year in response to violent protests in February.
We also urge further reforms on Macedonia. We continue to be strong supporters of Macedonia’s EU and NATO future, but the country must take urgent, decisive action to address growing shortcomings in its democratic institutions and processes, judicial independence and media freedom. We continue to encourage both sides to work on the issue of the name.
In summary, some western Balkan countries are successfully rising to the many challenges that they face, but others are lagging behind and must do more to ensure that the whole region can move forward together. We want a strong and flourishing region on the EU’s doorstep, not one that fuels crime, corruption or trafficking or is a source of instability and insecurity. Our national interest, historical links with the region and long relationship are there to be built on, and we are determined to do that.
I am genuinely sorry to be losing my right hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip as a colleague at the next general election. As he said, we served together in the Whips Office. Parliament will lose a valuable Member, but perhaps Parliament’s loss will be Randall of Uxbridge’s gain. I thank him again. I commend the interest and work on both sides of the House, but particularly that done by my right hon. Friend in helping to strengthen those links.