Trade, Exports, Innovation and Productivity

Stephen Kinnock Excerpts

Wednesday 13th January 2016 Commons Chamber

[George Kerevan]

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I am always willing to bow to the Chair. If ever I am found to have made erroneous remarks in this Chamber, I will always withdraw them. We can come back to that.

The Minister intervened because she wishes to continue to say that those of us who raise serious points about our poor economic performance are talking down British industry. Far from it. I am passionate about British industry. I want industry to grow. It is the fact that the Government are not doing their job that is the problem. I have a profound respect for Rolls-Royce, its history and what it has contributed to this country. During world war two, Rolls-Royce’s main aero engineering factory was in Glasgow. The engines that powered the Spitfires that saved western Europe and democracy in 1940 were produced in Glasgow by Rolls-Royce. I am second to none in my admiration for the company and its engineering history, but I am worried that we are now talking about it being taken over by American aerospace companies because of the situation it is in. I am now worried that the Government may have to consider taking over parts of Rolls-Royce—this has been a matter of press comment in recent weeks—in particular its nuclear engineering division. If anything went wrong and, God forbid, Rolls-Royce were taken over by a foreign company, the Government would be talking about nationalising bits of the company. That is quite a serious pass to have come to.

[Stephen Kinnock (Aberavon) (Lab)]

The hon. Gentleman is making an interesting and important point about foreign takeovers, particularly hostile takeovers. One of the important ones recently was Pfizer’s attempt to take over AstraZeneca. I am sure he agrees that that case concluded in absolutely the right way, by protecting one of the great British assets and enabling it to continue its long-term strategies of investment in innovation and technology. Does he agree that this issue should perhaps be seen as a case for reform of the Companies Act 2006, so that we see far more long-termism built into the UK’s corporate culture and a move towards investing in innovation, R and D, and skills? If we do not do that, we will never change to a more sustainable business model.

[George Kerevan]

I could not agree with the hon. Gentleman more. One of the things that has led to the short-termism over the last 20 to 30 years is precisely the fact that companies are not in a position to think long term themselves, because the way that the City of London and the casino economy work means that their shares are always in play. We need company reform to allow investment to take place without it being subject to shares being shorted and without share buyback activity by Rolls-Royce or other companies when the money should be going into real investment.

--- Later in debate ---

[Kwasi Kwarteng]

That is an excellent point. It is clear that if domestic demand in those countries has been sharply contracting, their capacity and ability to buy our exports has diminished commensurably, and that has unquestionably made life much more difficult for our exporters. I believe, however, that when it comes to British exports and our trade missions, the most fundamental thing that any exporter or manufacturing concern will seek is a degree of economic stability in the home market, along with a degree of visibility and a degree of responsibility on the part of the Government to ensure that there is some economic stability, and that our problems are being dealt with in respect of such matters as fiscal consolidation and deficits.

Those who speak to businesses, as I do in my constituency and as I am sure many other Members do in theirs, will hear from them that, broadly, the Government’s policy, although not perfect, has been conducive to a degree of economic stability. Policies such as those on apprenticeships and the significant reduction in corporation tax have made life easier, or more attractive, for exporters and business-people in general. When we tackle a debate of this nature, it is very difficult to divorce the issues of trade, the current account and innovation from the general economic strategy the Government are pursuing. It is clear that although many challenges lie ahead a large section of people feel comfortable that the Government are taking the right approach to the economic management of this country. That is an important point to make at the beginning.

As I have noticed in this debate, we talk about abstract concepts such as exports and trade deficits as though we were living in the 1960s or earlier. This language evolved in a period when Britain was the industrial motor of the world—the factory of the world—and it was very much a Victorian model of the economy, which arguably persisted until 1939. But in the economy of 2016 it is very difficult to disaggregate exports in goods from exports in services and from hybrid exported products that are manufactured but have a degree of service element to them. The hon. Member for Hartlepool (Mr Wright) referred to the trade deficits of the 1960s which he had learned from his reading brought Governments down. Every day in the 1960s people looked at the trade figures; that was the big number. The model of the economy today, however, is completely different from that of 1967 or 1970, yet many of our debates are couched in the language, and reflect the concerns, of a bygone era. It has been almost 50 years since the 1967 devaluation and it is crazy for us to conduct this debate as if nothing has happened in the last 50 years.

We should consider the British economy—how wealth is created and distributed, the role of exports, the role of manufacturing. It is true that manufacturing has diminished, for instance, but I would argue that that is in large part a function of the evolving nature of the British economy. The economic history of Britain shows we have gone through lots of different phases. The phase of industry in which we manufactured huge amounts has gone, sadly.

The hon. Member for Sefton Central (Bill Esterson) mentioned the steel industry and said how terrible it was that the Government had not subsidised and protected it. Wolfgang Eder is head of Worldsteel. Current capacity in Europe is about 200 million tonnes, and he says that for it to be sustainable it should be halved. There is overcapacity among European steelmakers. The idea that we can somehow subsidise things endlessly on an unproductive basis is simply wrong.

[Stephen Kinnock]

Nobody is asking for subsidies. The UK steel industry is asking for a level playing field. We are seeing the massive dumping of heavily subsidised Chinese steel—70% of Chinese steelmakers are state owned—dragging down the price of steel and crippling the British steel industry. This is not about subsidies but about smart regulation, proactive Government intervention and taking action and answering questions afterwards. I am seeking reassurances that the Government will not support China’s application for market economy status, because that would completely undermine any anti-dumping efforts. This is about proactive regulation and intervention, not subsidies.

[Kwasi Kwarteng]

I accept the hon. Gentleman’s intervention, and he makes a good point about China’s export practices, but I was making the general point that the steel industry believes there is overcapacity in Europe. This is not a British but a European problem. No Government action in the world will push water uphill or militate against that broad trend.

I digress from my main point. This has been a helpful and interesting debate, but my main concern is that we are not taking into account the different nature of the British economy. In terms of the phraseology, the context of the debate, and the words in the motion, we are reflecting circumstances that have not existed for two generations.