Payday Loan Companies

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Monday 20th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

On this occasion, it is a pleasure to be called at the end of the debate, Mr Speaker, because it provides me with an opportunity to reflect on the contributions, where two things have stood out. The first is the deep concern on the issue and the positive points that have been made about the Financial Conduct Authority and its proposals. The second is the unanimity across the House that the FCA is moving in the right direction, but not going far enough. After it launched its proposals in October, Members from every party represented in this House came together to launch the “Charter to Stop the Payday Loan Rip-off”, not only outlining a holistic intervention on how we could regulate the sector, but critiquing the FCA proposals. That has subsequently been backed by civil organisations ranging from Unite to the Women’s Institute, and by councils of all political persuasions, as the hon. Member for North Swindon (Justin Tomlinson) pointed out. It is also supported by every major debt advice and consumer organisation.

Many Members have cited shocking statistics and research to back the case for further action, but I thought I would share the case of one Sheffield woman and ask how she would be helped by the FCA proposals. She has asked to be kept anonymous so let us call her Susan, and her case is all too typical. She was struggling to keep up with bills and to make ends meet, she took out a payday loan to help tide her over but still found that she was short at the end of the month. By rolling over the initial loan and taking out new ones to pay off that debt, she found herself in a spiral of increasing debt, with three payday loans, costly default fees and mounting interest.

My first question is: would the FCA proposals on advertising have protected Susan? She took out that payday loan because of the advertising she had seen. Too often, such advertising makes borrowing look easy and stress free. The hon. Member for Gosport (Caroline Dinenage) made the point that the FCA is focusing on tackling misleading advertising, but we should be focusing on tackling irresponsible advertising. We have all seen “Wonga: the movie”, which illustrates the problem of advertising that makes loans seem aspirational and life-improving, whereas payday loans are in fact the worst form of credit anybody could take out. So Susan would have been failed by the proposals on advertising.

My second question is: what about roll-overs? Once Susan had taken out her first payday loan, why was she encouraged to keep rolling it over? How could she have taken out two further payday loans when she was clearly having difficulty repaying the first one? The FCA’s proposal to limit the number of roll-overs to two is a step in the right direction, but the Select Committee is right to say that there should be a limit of one. Is the need to roll over more than once not a sign that the borrower is in trouble?

Similarly, we must look at repackaging loans and the problem of multiple loans. On the issue of multiple loans that pushed Susan into the spiral of debt, I recall that in a debate on 11 December on the Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act 2013, there was great agreement across the House on the need for real-time data to prevent irresponsible lending. As my hon. Friend the Member for Makerfield (Yvonne Fovargue) pointed out, Callcredit, with great support from Wonga and the Consumer Finance Association, announced the establishment of some data sharing. However, that scheme will not stop irresponsible multiple lending.

Let us consider these questions. Are all lenders signed up to this data sharing? If not, and Susan went to one that was not, they would not know that she was struggling to pay back her initial loan. Will the scheme identify lenders who are breaching FCA rules by, for example, rolling over loans too many times, and report them to the FCA? If not, Susan’s loans could be rolled over, just as now, with the FCA left to play catch-up once it has received its six-monthly data report from lenders. Will it establish a benchmark of affordability and assess whether that is being met by lenders? If it is not, will it report those lenders to the FCA? If it does not do that, Susan will still be trapped by unaffordable loans. The answer to each of those questions is no, so we still need the FCA to establish a database, require all lenders to use it, and use the data to enforce its rules. The case for that database is as strong now as it ever was, and I hope that the Minister and the FCA will pay heed to it.

There is also the issue of the continuous payment authorities. I welcome the fact that the FCA is suggesting that CPA administration be limited to two unsuccessful attempts, but it does not go far enough. It still provides lenders with the opportunity for a strategic intervention into somebody’s account to drain them of all their resources at a critical point in the month when they need that money for rent and other vital payments.

The code of practice that the sector has established, to which my hon. Friend the Member for Makerfield referred, suggests that lenders should provide three days’ notice of using a CPA, and yet, assessment of the sector by Citizens Advice suggested that 60% were not complying with their own good practice. The three days’ notice should be accompanied by a reminder of the right to cancel, which has been deliberately obscured in the case of many people who have got into difficulties with CPAs. I agree with the hon. Member for Worcester (Mr Walker)—I will be supporting him tomorrow morning—that we should use the opportunity of the new levy on payday lenders to increase the overall resource that is available to support free and independent debt advice, which has grown in response to the growth of the payday lending sector.

[Mike Crockart]

The hon. Gentleman has talked about being able to cancel the CPAs. He said that only 23% of lenders were explaining the situation, but the figure for those lenders explaining the ability to cancel is even worse, standing at only 5%. Does he agree that that is absolutely abysmal?

[Paul Blomfield]

I agree with the hon. Gentleman. The level at which the good practice surrounding the administration of CPAs has been obscured by lenders has caused enormous difficulties for many people. It underlines why we need a clear regulatory framework for the use of CPAs, in which any lender participating in the sector must comply.

My hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Ann McKechin) was right when she said that, although the FCA is moving in the right direction, it is currently behind the curve. I hope that it listens to the debate tonight, gets itself ahead of the curve and listens to the voice of Parliament.

Financial Services (Banking Reform) Bill

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Wednesday 11th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Andrea Leadsom]

Yes, my hon. Friend is absolutely right. There are huge parallels between the banking closed shop and the energy closed shop. That is something I have been picking up, and I was recently in the media with him addressing this very subject.

Giving direct access to the payments infrastructure to all banks will reduce the barriers to entry, so I want further to congratulate the Minister on accepting the Treasury Committee’s recommendation that the PRA should have a specific competition objective. That is key, because the barriers to entry do not just relate to access to the payments system; there are regulatory barriers to entry. In other words, “If you are small, you cannot become a bank. Until you become a bank, you cannot become big. Therefore, you cannot ever become a bank.” We have created an environment where there are massive barriers to entry, so the payments system changes will really start to unravel that closed shop.

Importantly, I wish to put in one plea for full bank account portability. I know that the Minister has absolutely agreed that one of the first jobs of the new payments regulator will be to undertake a full cost-benefit analysis of account number portability. That would mean that if I want to switch banks in future, instead of waiting for even seven days, having to change all my direct debits, standing orders and bank account details, and having to be issued with new credit cards and cheque books and so on, I would simply be able to have my bank account details re-pointed at a new bank and so everything would remain the same. It would be instantaneous account switching.

When we move our mobile phone account number now, we can take our phone number with us. In a world where we had full number portability, we would also be able to take our bank account details with us. That would be a radical game changer for competition. New entrants could come in and attract new business on the promise that if a consumer does not like them they can always move somewhere else tomorrow. Banks would lie awake at night wondering how to retain their customers through excellent customer services rather than what next they can fleece them with, which happens all too often now.

Competition is not the only issue. There are two other items I wish to mention. The first is about resolution. We have put in all this effort to try to ensure that, in future, a bank cannot fail. We have increased capital requirements and changed the regulatory structure, which is all to the good. None the less, we know that in future, as sure as eggs are eggs, a bank will fail. What bank number portability will do is to give an instant means of resolution to avoid ever seeing again queues of people down a street trying to get their money out of a bank that they are concerned about.

If we in the UK become the first country to introduce full bank account number portability, we will be leading the world. By creating a shared infrastructure for payments, we will create a massive business opportunity for UK plc. I congratulate my hon. Friend, the Minister, but urge him to go even further and to support, when the time comes, the prospect of full account number portability.

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

Like my hon. Friend the Member for Makerfield (Yvonne Fovargue), I rise to speak on amendment 155. The Minister has acknowledged that data collection is at the heart of effective regulation. Like many Members on both sides of the House, I welcome the Government’s conversion to capping the total cost of credit, but we need to recognise that it is not a silver bullet.

When I was fortunate enough to have the opportunity, through the private Member’s Bill ballot system, to prepare the High Cost Credit Bill back in July, I brought together Members from both sides of the House—I am pleased to see that one of them, the hon. Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds), is in his place—and all the major consumer voice and debt advice organisations, such as Which?, Citizens Advice, StepChange and the Centre for Responsible Credit, to try to develop a holistic approach to the regulation of payday lenders, with appropriate interventions at every stage of the relationship that lenders have with their borrowers from advertising right through to debt collection. At many points in that relationship, the issue of real-time data collection is absolutely vital to tackle multiple lending. We know that multiple lending is the source of many of the problems that people face. Unable to repay one loan, they are forced to resort to taking out additional loans, moving from a single unaffordable debt to multiple loans, creating completely unmanageable debt.

As my hon. Friend the Member for Makerfield has pointed out, the current reporting framework for credit reference agencies of 30 to 60 days simply cannot protect people from the problems that result from multiple lending. Only real-time data collection can effectively do that.

Secondly, we have the impact on the market. As part of the debate on payday lending, many people have argued that we cannot solve the problems by regulation alone and that we need a wider range of more affordable products. That is absolutely right, and real-time data are key to that too, because they will enable lenders to assess risk.

At a recent hearing of the Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, one of the lenders selected by the Consumer Finance Association as a representative of the industry said:

“We do not know in real-time what loans the customer has with other lenders.”

He said that they would

“love to know that information.”

It is impossible for lenders properly to evaluate risk, set interest at manageable levels and develop new products. As other Members have said, the opportunity that real-time data would provide for new entrants to the market is also crucial.

Above all, real-time data are essential to ensuring affordability, which is at the heart of the measures needed to protect people. The industry works in a distorted market. We know that: success is measured by the time it takes to get money into somebody’s bank account, not by the ability to repay. It sounds perverse that many lenders are not primarily concerned about ability to repay. As the OFT has highlighted, up to 50% of payday lending revenue comes from 28% of loans—those that are unaffordable—so providing real-time data is at the core of shifting the business model for payday lending from speed of lending to affordability and is the key to protecting people from spiralling and unaffordable debt.

I mentioned the recent Select Committee inquiry, which will report soon. My hunch is that it will say something along the lines of the report we published two years ago—that real-time data collection is critical to transforming the payday lending industry. We have heard from a number of Members that debt advice agencies are clear that we need real-time data collection and sections of the industry also want it. As the shadow Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Cathy Jamieson), has pointed out, the industry has been slow to respond. It has been considering the issue for two years and has failed to find a solution that all participants will buy into. As the industry has failed to produce an initiative, it is our responsibility to step in and secure real-time data collection.

I would cite in support of that assertion the response of the Financial Services Consumer Panel to the Financial Conduct Authority’s consultation on its proposals on payday lending. As Members will know, the Financial Services Consumer Panel is the statutory body that monitors how far the FCA fulfils its statutory objectives for consumers. It is a critical voice in this debate. The panel has said that

“better creditworthiness assessments must be underpinned by real-time data sharing capabilities.”

On affordability, it has stated:

“In order for this information to be available we believe the establishment of real-time data sharing is vital.”

It has also stated:

“In addition to limiting rollovers, the Panel also feels that real-time data sharing is essential in ensuring people do not end up with excessive numbers of loans at the same time.”

It goes on:

“The speed at which loans are granted is often cited as the reason for”

unaffordability and rollovers, and:

“Real-time data sharing would overcome this and should be something the FCA encourages…There are examples of other jurisdictions, such as Florida…where this has been achieved.”

Indeed, the Minister cited Florida as an example earlier.

The panel comes to the conclusion that it strongly calls for the establishment of real-time data sharing and I hope that the Government will listen to that.

[Sajid Javid]

With the leave of the House, Madam Deputy Speaker. I thank all hon. Members for their contributions. It has been a good debate and a number of important issues have been raised, so I want to take a few minutes to respond.

The shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Cathy Jamieson), started by making a number of points on the payments system regulator. One issue she raised was whether there could possibly be a gap before the payments system regulator came into full force. That is a reasonable question and of course we will do all we can to minimise that.

It is worth pointing out that although the Payments Council, to which my hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie) referred, has not always done a spectacular job as an industry body, particularly on cheques, it has recently put in place some useful innovations under the influence of the Government, such as the current account switching service. It is also developing a mobile phone database. We have been assured that such initiatives will continue and will not slow down because of the plans to set up a payments system regulator.

Oral Answers to Questions

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Tuesday 14th May 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

That is an important question. My hon. Friend will have seen the statements published today by the Minister of State, Department of Health, our hon. Friend the Member for North Norfolk (Norman Lamb), and we will address the issue seriously in the spending round. I am not going to pre-announce what we will do, but my hon. Friend will know that in the 2010 spending round we ensured that additional resources amounting to £7.2 billion were available over four years to support social care services. If we are to deal with these important issues while also reducing the strain on the national health service, further such transfers will clearly be necessary.

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

T3. In just over an hour, in an unprecedented move, the bishops of Sheffield and Hallam and a delegation of civic, community and faith leaders will present a petition to No. 10 from thousands of Sheffielders calling for a fair deal for our city. Will Ministers accept their argument that the unfair distribution of cuts is having a disproportionate impact on cities such as Sheffield, widening inequality, hitting those who have least the hardest, and weakening the capacity of the council and the voluntary sector to support them?

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Greg Clark)]

The hon. Gentleman should support the Sheffield city deal, which has been enthusiastically endorsed by civic and business leaders in Sheffield. The point of the deal is to improve the city’s record for getting people into work, thus ensuring that the growing businesses there can access a high-quality labour force.

amendment of the law

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Monday 25th March 2013 Commons Chamber

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

It was good to see the Chancellor pop into the Chamber a few moments ago, although I wish he had been here a few moments before that to hear the hon. Member for Spelthorne (Kwasi Kwarteng) accuse him of “absolute madness” for saying in opposition that he would back Labour’s spending plans, right up to the world financial crisis in 2008. That was the case, however, and the truth is that it was not Labour’s spending, which repaired the damage of the Thatcher years, that caused sub-prime lending, the collapse of Lehman brothers or the world financial crisis.

[Kwasi Kwarteng]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Paul Blomfield]

No, I will not, simply because of time; I would love to otherwise.

That crisis created choices, and the Conservative-led Government have consistently made the wrong choices. The Liberal Democrats also have something to answer for because during the election they argued—rightly, and alongside Labour—that the post-2008 Tory austerity plans were wrong: wrong because they caused pain and wrong because they would damage the economy. They were elected on that basis; they have no mandate for this ideological assault on public spending and the welfare state.

The Secretary of State opened the debate by talking about housing. That is a good topic because it says a lot about this Government’s wider economic policy: wrong choices and missed opportunities, epitomised by the lack of investment in housing. The Government have cut direct support for affordable housing by 60%. The stagnating economy has limited private sector investment, and as my hon. Friend the Member for City of Durham (Roberta Blackman-Woods) said, there was an 11% fall in housing starts last year.

The Secretary of State, who is currently checking his BlackBerry, attacked Labour’s record on housing. The Labour Government did not do enough, but let us set the record straight—[Interruption.] He should keep checking his BlackBerry. It is worth remembering that housing starts have been lower in every quarter since April to June 2010, the last quarter that Labour was in power.

The Chancellor claims he will solve the housing crisis with his latest right to buy scheme, but we have heard that before. Back in November 2011, we heard that the NewBuy scheme would help 100,000 people to buy their own homes. How many did it help? Only 1,500 people, just 1.5% of the target.

For many young families, the alternative would be social housing, but it is not. With nearly 5 million people on local authority waiting lists, the Homes and Communities Agency has reported that affordable housing starts collapsed in the last financial year by 68%. It has been estimated that as many as 60,000 extra homes would have been built had the Chancellor used the Budget to lift borrowing restrictions on councils and arm’s length management organisations. He could have done that, but he failed to do so.

Ideology and not practical policies drive the Government, so instead of helping with social housing, the Chancellor extended the right to buy, which is at the root of much of the problem of social housing supply. As private landlords win out, we lose vital social assets. When the Government extended the right-to-buy scheme in April 2012, the Secretary of State—he does well to smile—promised one-for-one replacement. How many have we seen? Three hundred and eighty-four new homes have been built to replace 3,495 sold, which is a 90% loss of socially rented stock.

Finally, the new homes bonus has an unfair impact. It is designed to incentivise local authorities to approve new housing development but is calculated on the value of property, which means that areas with low property values lose out. In my case, resources moved away from Yorkshire to wealthier areas, and from Labour councils to Conservative and Liberal Democrat councils. For example, it is estimated that Sheffield council lost more than £3.5 million as a consequence of the scheme. The Secretary of State might well smile, but people in Sheffield are not smiling.

As with the economy overall, so with housing: we need a plan B, and we need it now.

Economic Policy

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Monday 25th February 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

We have to reduce spending and, as I have said, we will have a spending round later this year. We are reducing the share of national income taken by the state. When we came to office, almost 48% of national income was taken by the state, which was a completely unsustainable position. That position was never advocated by the Labour party when it sought office, but that is how it left the country. It now apparently wants to return to that position. As far as I understand the shadow Chancellor, who shakes his head, he does not support a single cut the Government have made.

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

There is an issue of accountability. In the Chancellor’s February 2010 Mais lecture, which was still on the Conservative party website this afternoon, he said:

“in order to bring some accountability to economic policy, I have set out eight benchmarks…against which you will be able to judge whether a Conservative Government is delivering”.

The first benchmark is that the Conservatives

“will maintain Britain’s AAA credit rating.”

How will he be held accountable for his failure?

Oral Answers to Questions

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Tuesday 29th January 2013 Commons Chamber

[Sajid Javid]

It is not clear that tax credits are being used to supplement lower wages, but what I can say is that the Government have taken action to bring unsustainable levels of tax credit spending under control. It has already been reduced in respect of eligibility from nine out of 10 families with children to six out of 10. Our reforms are also making work pay. Universal credit will unify the current complex system of welfare and make sure it always pays for people to go into work. The withdrawal rate will aim to smooth that transition into work.

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

T7. Last Friday, the Bishop of Sheffield, the Bishop of Hallam and other faith community and civic leaders came together to launch a campaign for a fair deal for Sheffield. Will the Chancellor recognise their concern that the combined effect of his austerity programme with unevenly distributed cuts and benefit changes that hit the poorest hardest is having a disproportionate impact on our urban areas and our big cities? Will he listen to those concerns?

[Greg Clark]

Yesterday, I met the leader and chief executive of Sheffield and we were discussing the very good progress made in the Sheffield city deal, which all parties, including the hon. Gentleman’s, strongly support as being key to the economic prosperity of Sheffield in the future. I would hope that he would welcome that.

Multiannual Financial Framework

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Wednesday 31st October 2012 Commons Chamber

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

We should remind ourselves that just as there is a majority in the House, of which I am a part, in favour of a reduction in the EU budget, there is a much larger majority, of which I am also a part, that believes that our future lies at the heart of Europe and with our membership of the European Union.

We should therefore take care—more care than some Members have—with how we frame any debate on the EU budget. We should not frame it, as the Daily Express does, as if all EU spending is bad and that the only purpose of Brussels is to take money from us. I come from a region that has benefited enormously from European structural funds, and we should have spent more time in the debate considering how we can engage positively to shape negotiations on the priorities for the EU budget. I shall make several specific points about research and innovation, to which I hope that the Minister will respond.

EU research and innovation funding contributes 10% of our national science budget, and the budget negotiations give us an important opportunity to shape investment priorities for the benefit of the UK economy. The more the EU invests in research and innovation, the more the UK benefits, because the quality, breadth and depth of UK research puts us in a position whereby we gain disproportionately from European research programmes. Nearly 15% of the EU’s funding from the FP7 framework programme for research has gone to UK researchers, and the total FP7 contribution to UK research is expected to reach €7 billion over the life of the programme. The UK is involved in more successful FP7 projects than either France or Germany, accounting for 40% of all grants to date. We also benefit extensively from the collaboration and research networks that the EU facilitates. Of the 5,105 research projects that have been funded under FP7, 43% include UK partners.

Only about 8% of the proposed budget is allocated to Horizon 2020, which is the replacement for the FP7 programme. That has been presented as an increase, because there are several new projects within Horizon 2020. I think that the Government would support those projects, but on the basis of past negotiations, there is concern among businesses and universities that the research budget is especially vulnerable to cuts. We know that innovation plays an important role in producing growth in the UK, and 54% of the jobs grown between 2000 and 2005 were in innovative companies. However, such companies account for only 6% of UK businesses, and are particularly involved in pharmaceuticals and biotechnical research.

We know that future growth will rely on knowledge-based industries, so I look to the Government to make two commitments: first, that the additional projects in Horizon 2020, which I am sure they would support, will be considered outside the framework; and, secondly, that they will argue the case for protecting the research and innovation budget in the overall negotiations.

[Mr Speaker]

The Minister will be called at 6.55 pm, but until then we will hear from Conor Burns.

Amendment of the Law

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Monday 26th March 2012 Commons Chamber

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

This Budget is based on the old Tory adage, “If you want to make the rich work harder, pay them more; if you want to make the poor work harder, pay them less”, with the added twist of clobbering the old at the same time. But its real disgrace is the way in which the Liberal Democrats rolled over and agreed to the cut in the 50p tax rate.

When The Daily Telegraph 500 first wrote their infamous plea for a cut in that rate—

[Ian Swales (Redcar) (LD)]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Paul Blomfield]

No, I will not give way—any more than the right hon. Member for Bath (Mr Foster) did when I tried to intervene on him on that point.

When that letter was written, Lord Newby, the Liberal Democrat tax spokesperson, was quick to reject the appeal, but unfortunately the orange book clique that now runs the party won the day, and we should not be surprised. Back in March 2010, before the general election, the now Deputy Prime Minister boasted to The Spectator that his politics were defined by his belief in “freedom from tax” and in a smaller state.

[Lorely Burt (Solihull) (LD)]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Paul Blomfield]

No, I will not give way.

What happened to the party of Paddy Ashdown, whom I remember celebrating taxation as

“the subscription we pay to live in a civilised society”?

The Liberal Democrats are hiding their shame for backing the tax handout for the rich behind the fig leaf of the rise in the tax threshold. They claim, as the right hon. Member for Bath did earlier, that it helps the poorest—

[Ian Swales]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Paul Blomfield]

No, I will not give way. The Liberal Democrats would not give way to me on this point earlier.

The Liberal Democrats claim that the rise in the tax threshold is a progressive measure that helps the poorest; the truth is that it is not and never has been. We were reminded by the hon. Member for Grantham and Stamford (Nick Boles) at Prime Minister’s questions last week that the cause was originally championed from the right of the Conservative party by Norman Tebbit, but it was rejected even by the Thatcher Government as unjustifiable. It gives the same cash benefit to somebody earning £10,000 as to somebody earning £100,000—[Interruption.] Members should listen to this point. It gives a tax handout to, for example, every Member of this House. We, frankly, are not among those most in need; at this time, people such as us and those who earn more do not need a payout. The cruellest trick is to pretend that it is a progressive measure.

The Institute for Fiscal Studies looked at the impact of lifting the personal allowance and stated, first, that

“the poorest third of adults do not benefit at all”;

secondly, for families, that

“the highest average gain occurs in the second-richest tenth of the income distribution”;

and concluded that the assertion that increasing the personal allowance is progressive

“is not true if one considers the gains across all families”.

This Budget fails the test of fairness, it fails the test of growing the economy and it should fail to win the support of this House.

Northern Rock

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Monday 21st November 2011 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hoban]

What we put in place with Virgin Money is a capital instrument which is an important part of its financing structure, and the terms of that instrument will be set in place shortly. It is important to recognise that we want to see a well capitalised bank there. The FSA will look very carefully at the structure of Northern Rock and its ownership. As I said, Virgin operated a business model whereby it has capital levels which are much greater than those of some of its peers. That is a welcome sign that Virgin takes financial stability very seriously indeed.

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

Is it any wonder that Members on the Labour Benches and people more widely question the value of the deal, when the principal purchaser says that he intends to sell out within a few years at double the money?

[Mr Hoban]

That is why we have agreed as part of the deal that if Northern Rock is sold within five years, we will get a benefit from that. It is not just those on the Government Benches who agree with the deal. It is the staff at Northern Rock, the Labour leader of Newcastle city council, the national officer of Unite and others who welcome the fact that this is a vote of confidence in the ability of Northern Rock to add value to the Virgin Money brand.

Summer Adjournment

Paul Blomfield Excerpts

Tuesday 19th July 2011 Commons Chamber

[Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

I am pleased to have the opportunity to raise the concerns that have been expressed on both sides of the House about the impact of the Government’s plans to reduce funding for English for speakers of other languages courses, plans which undermine the Prime Minister’s own vision for community cohesion. Members will remember that earlier this year he said in Prime Minister’s questions

“we will be putting in place…tougher rules”

to ensure that

“husbands and wives, particularly from the Indian sub-continent”

do

“learn English, so that…they can be more integrated into our country.”—[Official Report, 2 February 2011; Vol. 522, c. 856.]

It is deeply irresponsible to talk tough on language skills while removing the opportunities to develop them.

When the Government’s decision on ESOL funding was announced in the skills White Paper, the accompanying equality impact assessment said of ESOL that the changes

“should result in a very small overall impact on protected groups.”

That is not an assessment that those of us who are familiar with ESOL provision would have made and I welcome the fact that the Minister for Further Education, Skills and Lifelong Learning did not accept that either and commissioned an equality impact assessment.

We have been wanting that impact assessment to be published for quite some time and were assured in the Westminster Hall debate on 3 May that it would be

“published in good time—certainly before the summer recess”.—[Official Report, 3 May 2011; Vol. 527, c. 211WH.]

I am sure that the Minister would have wished it otherwise, but the assessment was published only yesterday, 24 hours before the start of the recess. Better late than never, but what does it tell us? On gender, nationally 68% of ESOL learners over the age of 19 are women and in my city, Sheffield, the figure is even higher, with 83% of the 3,310 ESOL learners being women. That is a much higher proportion than the 50% of women learners in further education as a whole. On ethnicity, as would be expected a higher proportion of ESOL learners identify themselves as black or minority ethnic than those in FE overall.

In Sheffield, our local college is advertising a 34-week ESOL course, starting in September, at a cost of £715. Contributing half of that sum, as would be expected under the new rules, is simply unaffordable to those who depend on those courses so the college is planning for a “huge drop” —these are the college’s words—in numbers. Women who will be affected have written to me and they describe movingly how they rely on ESOL courses to interact with each other, with society and with their children.

I am pleased that the Minister has acknowledged the negative impact, reflected in his Department’s own assessment, of the introduction of the changes. I welcome the fact that he is considering, in partnership with the Department for Communities and Local Government and in consultation with the Association of Colleges, ways in which the Government can mitigate that impact. I hope he will explain more about his plans to the House today and, crucially, the timetable for their introduction.

The problem is that the new rules for ESOL funding take effect in just 12 days, so I urge the Minister to give us an assurance that before the start of the new college year he will put in place measures to avert the unfair impact—or, if he cannot do that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Leicester South (Jon Ashworth) said, I hope that he will tell us that the new rules will be put on hold.