Finance Bill Debate

Full Debate: Read Full Debate
Department: HM Treasury
Lord Sikka Portrait Lord Sikka (Lab)
- View Speech - Hansard - -

My Lords, I welcome my noble friend Lady Caine of Kentish Town to the House and look forward to hearing more from her.

The key point is that Governments cannot rejuvenate the economy or reduce the welfare bill without increasing the purchasing power of the bottom 50% of the population. Some 16 million people live below the poverty line and their lack of purchasing power has turned many town centres into economic deserts. The Chancellor must improve their purchasing power, but this Bill does not do that.

The Bill continues the Tory freeze of income tax personal allowances. Consequently, more people are trapped into real tax rises. In 2024-25—that is, this year—37.4 million individuals are paying income tax, compared with 30.6 million in 2010. This year, 8.5 million pensioners are paying income tax, compared with 5.69 million in 2010. The erosion of poor households’ disposable income is compounded by continuing the Tory two-child benefit cap and deepened by the removal of winter fuel payments from pensioners below the poverty line.

This Bill misses the chance to reduce taxes on the poorest. This year—that is, 2025—the richest fifth will pay 30% of gross household income in direct taxes, compared with 16% paid by the poorest fifth. The richest fifth will pay only 11% of their disposable income in indirect taxes compared with the poorest fifth, who will pay 27%. Altogether, the poorest will pay a higher proportion of their income in taxes, and that is damaging society. Whatever happened to this thing called progressive taxation?

The Chancellor could have abolished VAT on domestic fuel and cut the standard rate of VAT to help the poorest, but she did not do that. To appease private equity, the Government did not impose the promised 45% tax rate on private equity managers and made late amendments to the Bill. Who hears the cries of the less well off? They too are crying for concessions.

The Bill does little to address tax inequities, and I have time to give just a couple of examples. The Government are continuing with the anti-worker policies: capital gains and dividends are taxed at a lower rate than wages, and recipients of capital gains and dividends do not pay any national insurance, even though they use the social infrastructure. By aligning taxation of dividends and capital gains with wages, the Government could raise billions—some estimates suggest at least £15 billion a year. Can the Minister explain why labour is taxed at a higher rate than the return on investment of wealth?

Accountants, lawyers and private equity managers operate through limited liability partnerships. This enables them to dodge national insurance contributions. Partners of LLPs derive most of their income from one source but are treated as self-employed for national insurance purposes. They pay only class 4 national insurance rates but avoid employers’ national insurance contributions. This perk alone saves the partners around £138,000 for every £1 million of profit shared. Partners of just four big law firms benefit from this gift by around £4 billion a year. Add to this the profits shared by partners of other law, accountancy, architecture, surveying and other firms and one can see that the Government could collect billions simply by attacking this anomaly.

Can the Minister explain why such anomalies have not been eradicated? Is it really fair that our lower-paid workers pay national insurance but some of the richest do not? To remind the Minister, it is easier to eradicate tax anomalies than punish the disabled with benefit cuts. The Government must improve the economic well-being of the bottom 50% of the population or there is a risk that they will be only a one-term Government.