Start-up Companies: Tax Incentives

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Monday 29th April 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Vere of Norbiton (Con)]

I am grateful to my noble friend. I know that HMRC regularly engages with industry and endeavours to work collaboratively with industry to improve guidance such that EIS applications can get through as quickly as possible. I hear his plea to set up a working group. I am not entirely sure whether a formal working group will be possible, but I will very happily take back his request that perhaps he and some of his colleagues can meet officials from HMRC to outline their concerns.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, there appears to be a dissonance between the Minister’s answer and the experience that industry is reporting to us. I spoke to Tech UK this morning and it said it had recently made representations to the Treasury, with worked examples of real-life situations that absolutely uphold the issue the noble Lord has raised today. This is not just about payment; it is about retrospective payments and it really puts businesses in danger when their cash flow dries up in these situations. So I ask the Minister to harness her natural curiosity, go back to her department and dig a little deeper, because it may be publishing results, but the experience on the ground does not match that.

[Baroness Vere of Norbiton (Con)]

I hear what the noble Lord is saying and I will very happily look at the evidence that he has provided to officials in the Treasury. Perhaps he would like to join the meeting with my noble friend Lord Leigh.

Credit Card Invoices

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Tuesday 26th March 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Vere of Norbiton (Con)]

I agree with the noble Lord that those payment machines should be correctly configured. When customers realise that there is a problem, they must raise it with the bank, which will then be able to take further action. It is the case that if there is any suspicion of fraud—whether using a credit card or a debit card—the customer can get their funds back.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, we are rightly discussing regulations for credit cards and consumer credit, but an increasing amount of consumer credit is coming from the buy now, pay later app sector, which is unregulated. Does the Minister understand how lopsided that is? It is time that the Government looked into regulating buy now, pay later, so that people have equal safety on both sides of the consumer credit barrier.

[Baroness Vere of Norbiton (Con)]

The Government are considering responses to a recent consultation on draft legislation for buy now, pay later. The Government believe that any regulation of this area must be proportionate, because buy now, pay later can be very useful to a large number of people. There are existing protections in the Consumer Rights Act, and the FCA has powers over the terms and conditions of the buy now, pay later contracts.

Destitution: Low Median Wage

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Thursday 23rd November 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Vere of Norbiton (Con)]

I fundamentally disagree that collective bargaining will be the way to lift wages; I believe that economic growth will be the way to lift wages. What I would like to say—and I would criticise this Government and previous Governments for not making the most of this—is that, when we look at the national living wage, the increases we made yesterday mean that, next year, someone working full time on the national living wage will see their real after-tax take-home pay go up by 30% since 2010. I think that is a very significant achievement.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, I welcome the noble Baroness to her new spokesperson role. The Chancellor was very pleased to pull the reduction in national insurance from his chancellorial hat at the end of his speech, and has been going around touting that very much. There is one statistic that I hope the noble Baroness can help me with. The Resolution Foundation notes that the top fifth of earners will receive five times the benefit from that cut than the bottom fifth of earners. Can she confirm that statistic?

[Baroness Vere of Norbiton (Con)]

What we did yesterday—and we were absolutely clear about this—was to reward workers. It is critical that we reduce work-related taxes, because by doing so we increase the number of hours worked, which will lift the number of full-time equivalents by 94,000. We think that the cut yesterday was absolutely the right thing to do.

Bank Accounts

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Wednesday 19th July 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

My Lords, I think the point we can all agree on is that the right to lawful freedom of speech is fundamental. Where that has been seen to be brought into question through the provision of services, we have cause to worry.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

The Minister rightly upheld the need for access. One of the ways people access banks is through bricks and mortar branches in our towns and cities. These continue to be closed; every week banks are closing. What conversations has her department had with banks about their closures and what was the content of those discussions?

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

This is an issue we have discussed, including during the passage of the Financial Services and Markets Act. The Government legislated in that Act to protect access to cash for consumers and business depositors, which will help people continue to access banking. Banking hubs are also being rolled out in areas that may be seeing closures, and those signed up to banking hubs have given a commitment that, where a hub is due to be opened in an area, the last bank will not shut until it is open.

Co-operatives, Mutuals and Friendly Societies Bill

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3rd reading
Friday 16th June 2023 Lords Chamber

[Lord Naseby (Con)]

My Lords, this is a vital Bill for the mutual movement of the United Kingdom. It prevents any predator trying to take away the capital put in by individual members of the society, and it is absolutely vital that this goes through. I recognise that another element sitting on the statute book that complements the Bill is the Mutuals’ Deferred Shares Act 2015, which I had the honour of taking through this House some time ago. I say to my noble friend on the Front Bench that we in this country now have a huge opportunity to benefit in the same way that Canada and Holland have from the mutual movement. It is ready to move forward, and we now look to His Majesty’s Government to implement the Bill and take the mutual movement forward. I particularly thank the noble Lord on the Front Bench on the other side of the House for all that he has done to take it this far.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, briefly, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Naseby, whose speech I agree with completely. The noble Lord, Lord Kennedy, and his colleagues should be congratulated on bringing forward the Bill. It is a passive Bill, and it is no reflection on him but, sadly, it is too late: too many mutuals have been cashed in, with the current generation benefiting from the prudence of past generations. Anything that we can do to halt that decline is excellent. Turning to the Front Bench, I think that this is an important sector that has largely been undervalued over past decades. Taking the theme of the noble Lord, Lord Naseby, I think this is an opportunity to kick off with this sector of our economy and perhaps grow it and make it more valuable, which it undoubtedly has the potential to be.

Budget Statement

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Thursday 16th March 2023 Lords Chamber

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, it is a great pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Bellingham. In fact, compared to many speeches he was very restrained in both time and content.

If I were writing a review of this debate, it would be “an eclectic debate with something for everyone”, and that is what we normally expect from your Lordships. I have to both praise and apologise to the noble Baroness, Lady Moyo: by all accounts hers was a fabulous speech, but unfortunately I was unavoidably hooked out of this Chamber during it. I look forward to reading it but also to being in the Chamber when she participates in future debates.

Yesterday, at the other end of this building, a slew of relatively modest changes, with a couple of larger long-term plans, was announced with what I would call traditional ballyhoo. It is worth putting that into some context: at the same time, across the UK, people were not listening to it because they were busy trying to negotiate the problems and impediments in their own lives. As the Chancellor rose, pensioners glanced at their smart meters and worried; parents juggled problems of childcare and work on a school strike day; a pair of young people looked at the cost of a mortgage and then went back to looking at the possibility of renting accommodation, something that my noble friend Lord Lee emphasised. Elsewhere, local businesses put “situations vacant” notices in their windows with little hope of recruiting anyone; manufacturers in their offices wrestled with paperwork that they now need to send their products to France or Germany; and in our hospitals, the effects of the first ever doctors’ strike caused the cancellation of already-delayed treatments, something that my noble friend Lady Brinton emphasised. Meanwhile, in Ukraine, young soldiers were fighting and dying for their freedom; on the beaches of Calais, refugees were wondering how or indeed if their flight from oppression would end; and around the world the global temperature rose by just a little bit more. That was the news agenda and the personal agenda that were going on as the Chancellor spoke. Nevertheless, he got his day in the sun.

We normally expect a little theatre, a flourish, but there were no rabbits—and no hat. Indeed, the childcare bunny, which had apparently been held back for theatrical purposes, had somehow escaped the night before, so instead the Chancellor had to settle for what was in the end a résumé of his department’s leaks. Still, it is convenient to have all the department’s press releases in one document. That the event held no surprises is something to be celebrated, particularly when we compare it to his immediate predecessor’s version of excitement and surprise.

Of course, as with all Budgets, the real news is not the announcement but the details and the analysis of them that emerges later, and that is just starting now. I have to say that the noble Lord, Lord Skidelsky, has done much to undermine my faith in economics. As a chemist, I have an absolute view of the world, but I fear that that is being eroded.

The first statistics concern inflation and, as we saw, the OBR predicts that that will be 2.9%. Whether or not that turns out to be true, the fact is that over the past year inflation has been running at double-digit levels so, whether or not the rate of increase falls, the place where most families find themselves today is very much higher in price and very much harder to afford than it was a year ago.

We must remember the other fact, rather than projection, is that wage increases are running at well below that rate of inflation that we have experienced: 3% to 4% in the private sector and much less in the public sector. So, as we know, real disposable incomes will continue to be hit further as we go forward.

I turn to growth. Again, the noble Lord, Lord Skidelsky, undermined these numbers, but these are the numbers that the Chancellor used. The Chancellor calls what is in essence around 2% per year over the next four years a Budget for growth. Well, as the noble Lord, Lord Bridges, so eloquently set out, 2% per year is not going to touch the growth in need that is out there, never mind the demographics, the cost of debt and all those things. This 2% per year on average is not the growth that will sustain the challenges we have ahead of us.

One thing I think we can put more stead in from the OBR is the scale of the impact of freezing the income tax thresholds. This freezing will lead to a tax rise of £12 billion in 2023-24. This compares to the cost of £3 billion in the same year of extending the energy price guarantee for three months. The Chancellor gave with one hand, but is taking away a great deal more with the other hand. Over time, this freezing of tax thresholds will lead to a total stealth tax rise of nearly £30 billion by 2027-28, or a total of £120 billion over the coming five years, with 3.2 million people dragged into paying income tax and 2.1 million paying at a higher rate. These compound the Government’s historic place as the party of high tax and more than wipe out the meagre support that families were getting over energy bills. At a time when inflation has put so many people under so much pressure, people’s budgets are being hit again, but in a way that is being sneaked in rather than properly announced. If the Chancellor had announced what I think adds up to a rise of about 4 pence in the pound in income tax, you could imagine the outcry.

Moving on, there is much talk about the UK being a science superpower and I am sure we all share ambitions of leveraging our excellent science and learning understanding in this country. Many of us felt that, after the Windsor Framework, it would clear the way for the UK rejoining the pan-European Horizon R&D programme, which by all expert analysis is something from which the UK takes far more than it puts in. But once again we have heard nothing. I ask the Minister: what is the blockage on this issue? When will a decision be announced?

Another theme that should have run through the Budget is the competitive threat posed by the US Government’s Inflation Reduction Act green subsidy programme. A number of your Lordships mentioned this. I remind your Lordships that the so-called IRA is a $369 billion subsidy package on offer throughout the US and it sits on top of a $280 billion CHIPS and Science Act as well. The IRA completely relaxes state aid rules for green industries and really has changed the global game for green investment. Across the world, big global businesses are relocating or planning to relocate their developments to the US to take advantage of this scheme. The EU has had to respond, and is going to announce its net-zero industry Act; we will see how many hundreds of billions of euros are in this pot. So where in this Budget is the equivalent British response? Well, I cannot find it.

I did hear a promise by Chancellor Hunt of funding of £20 billion over 20 years for the nascent carbon capture sector. But let us face it, set against the US model, £1 billion a year is unlikely to unlock the level of investment in carbon capture, clean energy and hydrogen infrastructure that is required to meet climate targets.

Meanwhile, by changing the taxonomy of nuclear energy, any money that could have been spent on a variety of technologies that would deliver near or medium-term progress is now likely to be diverted into Great British nuclear and SMRs. I have a word of warning on SMRs for enthusiasts: no one has built one yet. We will all be looking at the economics and the timelines—[Interruption.] The noble Lord, Lord Howell, shakes his head from a sedentary position, but there is not even a prototype.

The replacement of the super-deduction with something not quite as good is helpful for large taxpaying businesses, and the enhanced R&D tax credit is a good step towards promoting innovation. However, the large proportion of firms that fall outside the 40% intensity threshold will be left feeling mystified by the change in policy since last autumn. R&D tax credits had been a very effective way to create cutting-edge products and services in the small business community, and their loss is felt. Of course, the company has to be in a position to invest. British Chambers of Commerce highlighted in its recent survey that half of its businesses will be struggling to pay their energy bills in April, so investment or any help they might have with it is a rather theoretical exercise.

There are 5.5 million small businesses and 16 million people who work for them, and if the Chancellor hoped to woo small businesses, the signs are that he failed. Responding to the Budget, the Federation of Small Businesses said that it

“will leave many feeling short-changed. The distinct lack of new support in core areas proves that small firms are overlooked and undervalued.”

It sees support being focused on large companies. It would be interesting to hear the Minister’s view on whether small companies are being helped as much as large companies. Also, there is nothing new yet on business rate reform, so can the Minister tell us when we might see something on that?

The Chancellor announced 12 investment zones across the UK. The Minister praised Docklands as an example. Can the Treasury remember how much public money went into Docklands to make it what it is today, and is it planning to put the same level of public money into all 12 of the new investment zones? If so, where is this money coming from? We are also concerned about the lowering of good regulation for both the environment and workers’ rights. I should appreciate it if the Minister could give some assurance that there will be no dilution of employment or environmental regulations in those zones.

Your Lordships would expect me to say that a major flaw in this announcement is the total lack of an industrial strategy—something I have talked about a lot. Investment zones or freeports are no alternative to that. This hole is huge, and we are missing the overall strategy to develop future green industries such as green hydrogen, offshore wind and e-vehicles. Nothing in this Budget will deliver the gigabattery plants we need.

However, I do welcome an old friend. The £100 million innovation fund announced for Greater Manchester, the West Midlands and Glasgow has now been announced three times—so welcome back. The Chancellor and your Lordships have had a lot to say on getting more people back into the jobs market, and here I agree that there is no silver bullet. There are a lot of different measures in this Budget focusing on health, pensions, welfare and childcare, and many of your Lordships spoke at length on them, so I do not propose to reproduce those comments. In the end, success in all of these will be measured by results, and results come from effective implementation of these policies. Implementation is something many Governments have struggled with over the years.

The health checks may deliver results, but would not putting more money into delivering better primary healthcare be a way of improving the health of our age 50-plus employees? Pensions thresholds are aimed at one very specialised end of the market, and it will be interesting to see whether this achieves what is intended. My feeling is that this is a multidimensional problem that a single £1 billion solution is trying to solve. I think it unlikely that we will get what we want or, indeed, get value for the money we are putting in. However, I understand why the Government are trying.

The welfare changes are complex but should be seen in the context of the huge cuts that are already baked into the welfare system, but which do not kick in until after the end of this Parliament. I suggest that, taken with the increased pressure on people to work, the poorest will suffer the most. That is usually what happens when welfare changes.

The childcare changes are potentially very significant and are welcome, with two provisos. The first is that the services have to be available, staffed and economically viable, which comes down to delivery. Secondly, they will not happen for some time. The nine month-old baby who will benefit from this new policy has not been born.

Finally, I would like to suggest an untapped source of tens of billions of pounds. This does not mean a new tax or require cuts in public spending; it simply requires properly collecting the tax due that has not been paid. In January, the Commons Public Accounts Committee found that an “eye-watering”—its hyperbole, not mine—£42 billion in unpaid taxes are owed to HMRC. Some 5% of owed taxes remain uncollected. There seems to be neither the staff nor the will to collect this cash. I ask the Minister: why not? It is not as if we do not need the money.

The Chancellor, in delivering his speech, said that his plan is working. Others will judge that. The pensioner freezing in a cold house; the family struggling to balance their lives; the chronically ill person awaiting treatment; the business team trying to keep their enterprise afloat: they will be the judges of what is working and what is most definitely not.

Silicon Valley Bank

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Tuesday 14th March 2023 Lords Chamber

[Lord Tunnicliffe (Lab)]

My Lords, we recognise the indispensable role played by the UK life sciences and tech sectors. These drive growth and innovation across the economy, as well as creating and sustaining good jobs. We therefore welcome yesterday’s announcement that HSBC is buying the UK arm of Silicon Valley Bank.

As the Statement makes clear, this move protects SVB UK’s customers’ deposits, allowing them to bank as normal. That will allow a range of start-ups and scale-ups across the UK to continue their operations rather than having to deal with immediate financial and other pressures. We are grateful to officials at the Treasury, Bank of England and financial regulators for working at pace over the weekend to facilitate this agreement.

The collapse of SVB raises important questions about the risks taken by some financial institutions and their regulators. It is true that in the UK context the system established under the Banking Act 2009 has worked. However, my colleague Tulip Siddiq asked yesterday whether, at the time when SVB UK’s licence was granted, any assessment was made of the significant liquidity risks associated with SVB UK’s deposit base. I do not expect the Minister to answer that question today, but I should like an assurance that a review will be undertaken in due course or that Ministers will make themselves available to parliamentary committees for questioning.

Normal ring-fencing rules also had to be disapplied to allow HSBC’s acquisition. The Economic Secretary helpfully confirmed yesterday that this exemption will be permanent. Will the Minister go into more detail about any steps HSBC or SVB UK may be required to take in the future? If she is unable to do so today, perhaps she will write with further information prior to our debate on the “made affirmative” statutory instrument.

The Government are currently making significant changes to UK financial regulation. We support the broad thrust of this, as the financial services sector makes a significant contribution to the UK economy and its success will be key to future growth. However, as our many debates on the Financial Services and Markets Bill highlighted, we must balance risk and reward. Does the Minister have full confidence in all the regulatory changes proposed in that Bill and in the so-called Edinburgh reforms, which will come on stream later, or is it possible that the Treasury might wish to revisit some aspects of those initiatives in the light of recent events?

While the UK part of SVB’s collapse may have been addressed quickly, global markets have still been sliding as recent events are processed and questions are being asked about the risk level of similar institutions. Does the Minister agree that it is vital that we do everything possible to provide confidence in the UK’s financial system? With this in mind, and given the impacts of persistently high inflation and increasing interest rates on UK institutions, will the Government launch a systemic review of the risks facing the sector?

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for repeating the Statement, albeit in the graveyard shift: she could have got in a bit earlier. Having read through the details of the events of the last weekend, I can understand why the Statement veers towards the slightly triumphalist: the sale of Silicon Valley Bank to HSBC averted existential problems for a huge number of UK tech businesses, and I am sure the Minister and colleagues are pleased to have done this. We should congratulate the Treasury and the Bank of England, as well as Coadec, Tech London Advocates and BVCA on the industry side, all of which came together very swiftly over the weekend. But where do we go from here?

First, can the Minister confirm that there will be a full investigation, both to confirm how this happened and, more importantly, what lessons can be drawn? One lesson we can all observe is that bank runs in the social media age happen in hours rather than days: the speed with which the run on this bank happened points, I think, to future issues if we ever came to them. As we know, Silicon Valley Bank’s UK wing oversaw roughly £7 billion in deposits from 3,000 entities across the country’s important tech industries and, contrary to US reports, it was not ring-fenced from its US parent. My first specific question is how we ended up in a situation where a huge proportion of a vital sector of the UK economy was reliant on one regional US bank. I am sure the answer is not simple, but it is important. For example, accessing connections to venture capital may have led banks to SVB, but there is also evidence that the traditional UK banks just do not have the appetite to take up this kind of business. Where will the tech start-ups go now for funding, especially in an environment where capital is getting more scarce?

History tells us that, when interest rates rise as fast and by so much as they have during the past period, bad things nearly always happen. It is a near certainty that one of two outcomes will occur: recession or a bank crash—sometimes both. I am sure we all hope that the failure of SVB, the closure of Signature Bank and the Tory-created crisis in UK government bonds and the pension sector are just outliers and do not herald something worse. They may, indeed, be one-offs; however, it seems to me that the Government, the Treasury and the Bank of England have to err on the side of caution. Can the Minister assure us that the tone of this announcement does not indicate a sense in our financial institutions that their work is done?

The SVB crash epitomises the risks buried in our financial system as central banks rapidly lifted borrowing costs. SVB’s unhedged investments in long-term, fixed-rate, government-backed debt securities left it doubly exposed to rising interest rates because it reversed tech companies’ growth and hit the price of its securities. There may be other issues that unwind when investigation of this bank carries on—we will have to wait and see—but how did the US regulators miss the issue at the heart of SVB? Since the 2008 financial crisis, the focus has been on liquidity, although I would suggest that not even that has been particularly successful. Interest rates have grabbed little attention because they had not posed a significant threat in recent decades, but they do now.

Can the Minister confirm that the Government have asked the Bank of England to review the stress tests it conducts in order to take into consideration the rapid rise in interest rates? Can the Minister confirm that the tests will be extended into the so-called shadow banking sector, which is increasingly grabbing large slices of business traditionally carried out by banks? Can the Minister also assure your Lordships’ House that the necessary horizon scanning is under way?

I do not think anyone predicted the LDI issue in the autumn, and I do not think anyone pointed to a sector-focused regional bank like SVB being the source of a crisis. So where could the next crisis come from? I can offer three options in the current environment: insurance funds investing in illiquid assets; overvalued real estate; and private equity funds with opaque valuations. I am sure the big brains in the Treasury will be much better at navigating the complex and interwoven investment landscape and come up with a better list to enable them to avoid unpleasant surprises. Can the Minister confirm that there are people digging down into the systemic risks which are buried deep inside the highly complex finance systems and finance products that exist around the world today?

At the heart of this is also politics. Republicans have loosened US bank regulations in recent years and banks such as SVB had previously lobbied successfully to be excluded from the category of systemically important banks—that meant they faced lower capital and liquidity standards. We are not immune from the same political pressures in this country. The Edinburgh reforms announced late last year also point towards deregulation, not least in the plan to reform the ring-fencing regime for banks.

But more than that, and as the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, referred to, we can see this trend in the Financial Services and Markets Bill that is currently being debated by your Lordships. For example, Clause 24 in that Bill requires the FCA to help drive the international competitiveness of the economy of the United Kingdom, in particular the financial services sector—help drive the competitiveness of the economy. This creates a huge conflict of interest within the FCA, and in light of the SVB it looks at least questionable. Can the Minister confirm that this clause will be reviewed with a view to future amendment when the Bill comes back on Report?

Finally, after 2008 the Government and the financial sector all said “Never again”, and there were significant changes to the banking regulations; much of this was based on a report led by Sir John Vickers. Speaking today on the BBC, Sir John said that the country made advances in 2009 and we must not row back on these advances. He explicitly said that the Edinburgh reforms should be reviewed again and that ring-fencing should be maintained. I would remind the Minister that, failing anything better, the Government are the scrutiniser in chief, and the buck stops with the Government. Will the Minister listen to Sir John and halt the slide towards deregulation in this country?

[The Parliamentary Secretary, HM Treasury (Baroness Penn) (Con)]

My Lords, as noble Lords have recognised, the course of events over the weekend was a good outcome for the customers of Silicon Valley Bank in the UK and an example of the Bank of England, in consultation with the Treasury, using powers granted by the Banking Act 2009, as part of the post-crisis reforms, to safely manage the failure of a bank and, in this case, facilitate its sale, which has protected those customers and taxpayers. I add my thanks to both noble Lords’ to the officials in the Treasury and at the regulators who worked tirelessly through the weekend to grip the situation and prevent real jeopardy to hundreds of the UK’s most innovative companies.

The noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, asked whether any assessment was made of the significant liquidity risks associated with SVB UK’s deposit base at the time its licence was granted. Those authorisation decisions are for the independent regulators to comment on. However, requiring SVB to subsidiarise meant that it was independently capitalised from its parent in the US and had its own liquidity buffers. That brought the firm into the scope of the UK’s resolution regime. Had SVB UK remained a branch, it would have been resolved by the US resolution authority as part of action taken with respect to SVB.

That distinction is important to make in relation to a few of the points from the noble Lord, Lord Fox, in looking at the potential differences between the regulation and the regime in the US and the regime in the UK. However, there is read-across between the two. That is why we have measures in place to ensure that banks that are of systemic risk to different jurisdictions have cross-jurisdiction oversight, and that regulators work together on these matters.

The noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, also asked about the ring-fencing changes made to facilitate the sale. To ensure the sale could proceed, the Government used powers under the Banking Act to provide HSBC with an exemption to certain ring-fencing requirements. This was crucial to ensure that a successful transaction could be executed, that the bank had the liquidity it needs, and that deposits and public funds were protected. We broadened an existing exception in the ring-fencing regime, allowing HSBC’s ring-fenced bank to provide intragroup lending to SVB UK. This should facilitate the smooth operation of SVB UK. In addition, SVB UK, which is now a subsidiary of HSBC’s ring-fenced bank, is not subject to the ring-fencing rules.

Both noble Lords spoke about the importance of doing everything possible to ensure that there is confidence in the UK’s financial system. We absolutely agree with the importance of that, which is why the UK authorities took such swift and decisive action this weekend to facilitate the sale of the firm. The noble Lord, Lord Fox, noted how quickly events unfolded. It is certainly true that the timeline including the weekend gave the time and space for such a resolution to be found, but that only adds to the point about the speed at which these events can take place.

Both noble Lords also asked about the stress test system for banks and about launching a wider systemic review of the risks facing the financial sector, including non-bank risks. Of course, both noble Lords will know that that is the role of the Financial Policy Committee of the Bank of England, which is responsible for identifying, monitoring and addressing systemic risks to financial stability.

The FPC meets quarterly, following which a record of its discussions is published. It produces a biannual financial stability report setting out its assessment of the risks facing the financial system and its resilience. It looks at it for the non-banking sector, but also sets the scenarios and coverage used for stress tests within the banking sector. Those decisions remain with the Financial Policy Committee.

Both noble Lords also rightly pointed out that, while we reached a good resolution in this instance, it is of course right that we reflect on what happened and look at whether any lessons can be learned. I can confirm that the Treasury and the Bank of England are looking to work together to ensure that we reflect properly on the events in this case.

Finally, both noble Lords also referenced the reforms that we are currently taking through this House in the Financial Services and Markets Bill and through the wider Edinburgh reforms set out by the Chancellor in December. I assure all noble Lords that the Financial Services and Markets Bill introduces ambitious reforms for a financial services sector that will give the UK the ability to continue to grow and be internationally competitive with other markets, while adhering to the highest-quality regulatory standards. As my honourable friend the Economic Secretary to the Treasury said to the House of Commons yesterday, having good, healthy businesses that grow and are profitable is the best way to avoid jeopardy. The Bill and the Edinburgh reforms deliver that commitment. We are confident that our reforms will deliver a high-quality regulatory environment for our financial services sector in future.

[Lord Tunnicliffe (Lab)]

I know it is unconventional, but will the Minister advise us whether the lessons learned report is going to be published?

[Lord Fox (LD)]

The Minister is getting a job lot of questions. I was hoping to hear her say that the shift in danger has gone from being just about liquidity to being about a lot of things connected with interest rates. We saw that in the autumn and again this week. When I suggested that the Treasury talk to the Bank of England about stress tests, I was suggesting not that the Treasury did the stress testing but that we would all be much more comfortable if we knew that shift had been taken on board and would inculcate future stress tests.

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

The point I was trying to make is that I am sure the Financial Policy Committee of the Bank of England will want to consider that. It updates its approach to stress testing both for banks and in its wider assessment of the risks to the financial sector more broadly. The noble Lord is not wrong in painting a picture of a changed context. We can also look at it for LDI, for example. While that is something for the FPC to take forward, I recognise the noble Lord’s points about that changed context. I hope that the points I made about how it holds its meetings and provides transparency about its considerations will reassure noble Lords about that process.

I will have to come back to the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, about the lessons learned and whether this reflection will be published. I do not know what form it will take. With the LDI process, interim findings have already been made public for people to take forward, but there is also further work. I imagine that a similar process may be followed here, but I will confirm this to noble Lords.

IMF Economic Outlook

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Tuesday 31st January 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I must correct the noble Lord on the cause of the disappointing figures for growth this year that we have seen. The IMF emphasises that Russia’s war in Ukraine continues to weigh on economic activity, and the UK’s relatively high dependence on natural gas and, simultaneously, a near-record tightness in our labour market are dampening our outlook.

The noble Lord asked why the UK economy had not recovered to pre-pandemic levels. If we exclude the public sector, the private sector has recovered to above its pre-pandemic level and is in line with other major European economies. There is a difference in the way that the UK estimates its public sector output compared to many other countries, and the ONS has said that international comparisons are difficult to make.

On the point about the optimism that my honourable friend expressed about the UK economy, the Government make no apologies for pointing out our underlying strengths. Last year’s growth rate was uprated by the IMF to one of the highest in Europe, and if we look over the cumulative period 2022 to 2024, growth is predicted to be higher than in Germany and Japan and similar to that of the US. That will happen if we stick to our plan for growth and tackle inflation.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, there is no harm in people being optimistic if there are grounds for optimism. Rather than taking this report as a very worrying indicator, the Government are spending their energy downplaying and discounting the bad news in it. Let us look at another indicator that points in the same direction: the ONS statistics on company insolvencies. Its survey, published today, shows a 57% rise in the number of companies going bust; that is more than at any time since the 2009 crisis.

Will the Minister now acknowledge that, as well as the problems that our competitor countries have, with which the Government seek to associate us, there are other problems that are unique to us? The Minister acknowledged the extraordinary problems we are having with skills and the lack of people to work, and the fact that our exports to the European Union have plummeted. Will the Government acknowledge that there is a problem so that they can start solving it?

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I made it clear that the number one problem facing the UK is our high level of inflation, and that is why the Government have put it at the heart of our economic plans. We are determined to get inflation down. That is why we remain steadfast in our support for the independent MPC of the Bank of England, why we have made difficult but responsible decisions on tax and spending so that we are not adding fuel to the fire, and why we are tackling high energy prices by holding down energy bills for households and businesses this year and next and investing in long-term energy security. I fully acknowledge the challenges the UK is facing, and that is why we have a plan to deal with them.

Alcohol Duty Bands

Lord Fox Excerpts

Thursday 12th January 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I reassure the noble Lord that if he looks at the consultation we did on the new duty rates, he will see that public health is at the heart of our approach. However, we need to balance public health objectives with, for example, the impact on businesses. For instance, Scotch whisky is an incredibly important industry in Scotland, and there are new breweries all across the country which are big economic success stories. We need to have a balance between those two approaches.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, I am pleased that the Minister talked about business. Leaving aside the level of taxation—I have sympathy with my noble friend—this system is quite complicated. It is a sophisticated solution but it also makes it complicated for businesses to respond. So I ask that the Treasury, as well as looking at the level of taxation, looks at the number of different levels of taxation, because the more there are, the harder it is for small and medium-sized businesses to administer.

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I appreciate the noble Lord’s point, but the reforms we have introduced simplify, for example, the number of different bands of duties that businesses pay. We have taken significant steps in that direction, and this Government always seek to simplify things for businesses where possible.

Russia: UK Companies

Lord Fox Excerpts

Thursday 8th December 2022 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Secretary, HM Treasury (Baroness Penn) (Con)]

My Lords, my right honourable friend the Prime Minister, when Chancellor, called on and welcomed UK firms who had taken the decision to divest from Russia in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine and said that we would welcome further such decisions from those companies. In terms of the Government’s actions, we have imposed the widest set of sanctions in our history against Russia, which limits the space for companies to operate in Russia, targeted at degrading the Russian war machine and also more broadly degrading its economic ability to continue this war. The noble Lord mentioned the condition of Ukraine’s infrastructure and the attacks on it by Russia in recent weeks. My right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary announced that we are looking to support energy generation in Ukraine in response to those attacks.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

It is good to hear the Minister talk about strong sanctions. I ask her to direct her department to look at the relationship between OneWeb and Eutelsat. OneWeb was absorbed into Eutelsat in an all-share deal, except for one share, the special share that the Government retain. Eutelsat continues to broadcast Russian channels, including two of the largest Russian pay-for television channels. Is it appropriate, given the Government’s special shareholding in OneWeb, which is a part of Eutelsat, for this relationship to continue?

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I hope the noble Lord will understand if I do not comment on the specific case in the Chamber, but if he writes to me, I will look at Hansard and get back to him in writing on that point.