Katherine Fletcher
Main Page: Katherine Fletcher (Conservative - South Ribble)
Katherine Fletcher (South Ribble) (Con)
I commend the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington (Jeff Smith) for bringing this really important matter to the attention of the House. He has made a wonderful speech that has stepped through lots of the dynamics in the debate.
This is a genuinely difficult topic. Many people present today want to participate in the debate and demonstrate their care, compassion and concern for the individuals at the heart of it. Indeed, that is one of the themes that I want to cover today. This is a funny place; it can be quite fraught, which might not necessarily be obvious to those observing us from outside this House. Members have to balance our compassion for an individual with the office that we hold and the responsibilities that that brings. Although I want to talk about a number of the points that the hon. Gentleman has made, I also want to highlight how difficult that trade-off can be.
Since I joined the House in 2019, I have sought, where possible, to find a way of speaking English in a normal way, and I shall try to do that on this topic. When I first pitched up here, I did not really understand the nature of the trade-off. Bills on topics such as this land at the heart of the matter, which is that this is not necessarily a particularly easy or comfortable thing to talk about. I will try to stick with what I promised and use some real-world examples.
With the House’s permission, I want to highlight the real-life experiences of one of my constituents in South Ribble, a redoubtable lady by the name of Joanne Griffiths. Joanne is a wonderful individual, but this is really about her son, who she calls “boisterous Ben”. Ben has great difficulties with his epilepsy and has struggled with treatment over the years, but before I start to highlight the case and understand how it pertains to the subject, let me give a bit of clarity. Joanne does not support the Conservative party. In the past, she has been on a leaflet with the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn). I am not trying to make a party political point; when MPs from whatever party are elected, we are here to support all of our constituents, and we take that job incredibly seriously—I want to put that on the record. She will never ever vote for me, but I will speak for her genuinely and honestly and in a way that is in her best interests. In these more febrile times, that is an important point to make, but let us get back to what is really important, which is Joanne and, more importantly, her son, Ben.
I want to put her efforts for Ben on the record, and the easiest way to do that is to quote her in her own words:
“It has been three years since the law changed, and I have spent four years fighting for access to what is very much the only medication to have any effect on my son’s hundreds of life-threatening seizures per day. Medical cannabis has transformed his life and gives him seizure freedom, and we do not wish any other parent or child in the area to go through what we have, and we are still suffering.”
When I was elected back in December 2019, as MPs we could get permission from individuals to act for them and we could take on casework from our predecessors. The complexities of the system mean that that often comes in printed paper form. I was given a large pile of handouts and one file, which must have been 1.25 inches thick. When Joanne says that she has been campaigning for four years, I can tell Members that she has been campaigning for four years. I did not so much pick up that file as weigh it. If any given set of paperwork can describe the emotion and the passion that the debate arouses, it is that sense of, “There you go! Congratulations, you’ve just won an election, you can help this lady and her family.”
Within that case file are letters and notes from Joanne’s meetings with her local MP, my predecessor. She has met Ministers, pressure groups and policy researchers. She has been a tireless campaigner. She even had members of my predecessor’s staff go with her to attend appointments with medical professionals. Reading that and reading all the correspondence, I can state confidently that Ben could not have a better mother. She is not a tiger mum; she is like a proper lioness defending her son. It is really important that I put my genuine admiration on the record today. She has fought tooth and nail for him. The question that I want the House to examine is: should she have to be that lioness of a mum?
Let me give the House the highlights of what Joanne has done over the last four years—this is by no means all of it. She has fought for medical cannabis to be legalised. She has met the Secretary of State for Health—and all Members of this House know that people do not suddenly turn up with that idea on a Tuesday and then it happens on the Friday; it takes a lot of time, effort and engagement. Along with others, she has helped to secure the legalisation of certain types of medicinal cannabis. She has fought her way through a system that is not really understanding of the issue in order to see a medical specialist. In 2019, through a private prescription, she got Ben prescribed the Bedica oral solution of 20 mg/1ml with 2% THC, and the Bedrolite oral solution 100 mg/1 ml with CBD at 10%, and less than 1% THC. Joanne said:
“For years now we have had to fund raise up to £2,500 a month to fund this medicine, use all our savings and borrow money from family and friends. We are on the verge of being broken both financially and emotionally due to the stress and with Covid, our fundraising options have all but been shut down. This is on top of running a local business whilst looking after a child with complex needs”.
That speaks for itself.
Let me turn to the efficacy of the treatment. Ben’s response to the treatment was recently described by the individual funding request panel, which the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington mentioned, as “exceptional” with
“demonstrable improvements to his condition”.
That is an independent third party effectively saying that the treatment works.
Joanne is still going, because she is still getting that private prescription. She has fought through the NHS system to see a specialist and get a clinical decision to agree Ben’s prescription, with the implication that it would be funded through the NHS, but that prescription has been rejected by the local CCG and hospital trust policy. The lioness mum that she is, she is now back in my inbox and in lots of other people’s inboxes, and is campaigning to understand what has caused the blockage in prescribing and what is happening. She has got the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care to instruct the NHS to review what is causing the issue and the blockages, so the questions are being asked at the highest level of the Department. She has also written to the Health Committee.
Tonia Antoniazzi (Gower) (Lab)
As co-chair of the all-party parliamentary group for access to medical cannabis under prescription, I know very well the person and child described by the hon. Lady. Joanne deserves better. Ben deserves better. I am so pleased that we are seeing through the party politics and that you have met Joanne, because this is a ridiculous situation. You are describing four years of hurt, pain and fighting of the lioness that is Joanne Griffiths, and yet nothing has been done. It really upset me, and I am glad that the hon. Lady is on side. You—sorry; the hon. Lady is on the Government Benches, and this situation has to change.
Katherine Fletcher
I agree with you—[Interruption.] Oh crap! I agree with the hon. Lady. [Laughter.] Might as well get something decent on the record! You can take the girl out of the north of England, Madam Deputy Speaker; I apologise profusely. I agree with the hon. Lady, but I think that there are some issues that prevent immediate “do something” action, and I want genuinely to examine them.
Katherine Fletcher
I will happily take another intervention once I have been through the issues, but I just want to continue to highlight what this lady, Joanne, is having to do. She has got the Secretary of State to ask the NHS what is going on. Along with other parents, she is still talking to the Chair of the Health and Social Care Committee, whom she and Ben previously met in his role as Secretary of State. As per the advice from the local CCG, she applied for an individual funding request for a prescription with a demonstrable improvement in boisterous Ben’s condition, but it was rejected. She appealed in July and won, but on 3 November, the appeal process was deferred awaiting clarification and more information.
As the hon. Member for Gower (Tonia Antoniazzi) highlights, that must feel Gordian—how can Joanne unpick that? She is still fighting and, as hon. Members would expect, I am supporting her. To the point that the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington raised, I have also written to the Secretary of State about participating in an observation trial.
The story is distressing. I cannot see any hon. Member who is unmoved and is not thinking about what they would do in a similar position. It is complicated and I find it hard to reconcile my personal distress.
Tonia Antoniazzi
The hon. Lady says that it is complicated, which it is, but we are now in a ridiculous situation. There is something or someone in the system blocking medicinal cannabis getting to those children. Three prescriptions are already being supported, so why can the others not be supported too?
Katherine Fletcher
The hon. Lady raises an important point, which I will come to. I think that those individuals are caught in a pincer movement between scientific proof and medical ethics. I am mindful of the challenge of the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington who asked if they cannot do it, what can they do. I will make some suggestions on that.
The distress is genuine and clearly felt on both sides of the House, but the specific definition of practical actions that address the situation is a problem. If hon. Members will forgive me, I will set out the events in order. Since November 2018, the law has allowed for prescriptions of medicinal cannabis, which is no small thing. It has been an illegal drug for a long time, and it is a Conservative Government who brought that in.
That prescription is now a legal tool in the armoury of qualified doctors. Prescription medicine is rightly the preserve of highly qualified and trained doctors. No one would want me wandering down the high street saying, “Oh you look a bit poorly today—go and have a bit of that.” It takes years of blood, sweat and tears. Ultimately, when doctors have completed that technical qualification, they take the Hippocratic oath. Today’s debate hinges on the interaction between the Hippocratic oath that doctors take as individuals on qualification—I am aware that not everybody swears on the same text—and the Government’s ability to feel qualified enough to influence, or seek to influence, doctors’ decisions. I think that is where the blockage is.
Tonia Antoniazzi
Again, the hon. Lady’s generosity in giving way is noted. On that point, is she trying to say that the prescriptions that have already been written privately by experienced clinicians are unethical?
Katherine Fletcher
The hon. Lady perhaps needs to let me make some of my points. She keeps asking me, but I am genuinely trying to get there.
Dr Neil Hudson (Penrith and The Border) (Con)
I am grateful to the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington (Jeff Smith) for bringing forward this important debate. He spoke with power and passion about a very important issue. I want to touch on the comments that my hon. Friend the Member for South Ribble (Katherine Fletcher) made about the difficulties in decision making for clinicians on the frontline. I speak as a veterinary surgeon, cognisant of the difficulties in making rational, evidence-based decisions in our profession when we are looking at licensed products for the species we are treating and having to make tough decisions about when we go off-licence. I am very sympathetic to my colleagues in the medical profession wanting a large evidence base to make them feel comfortable about making those decisions. Does my hon. Friend agree that it is welcome that NICE has made some recommendations about some trials that can take place and that there are trials under way? That will try to help us improve and increase the evidence base to help clinicians on the frontline make rational decisions.
Katherine Fletcher
My hon. Friend anticipates a couple of points I was about to make. I am talking not just about the individual who is prescribing, but about the medical system. There are rightly in our wonderful NHS medically qualified people engaged in lots of layers—my hon. Friend the Member for Gedling (Tom Randall) talks about bureaucracy—but they are people who have taken the Hippocratic oath. That is not just the person on the one-to-one with patients; it goes all the way through the system, and that is what I am worried about, basically.
Crispin Blunt (Reigate) (Con)
Where my hon. Friend talks about the challenge that faces us, she is absolutely on point. The medical profession of course wants a reliable pharmacopeia to be able to turn to, with all the supporting evidence and the rest. The problem that our profession has inflicted on our constituents is that we are 50 years behind in the research. Outside the regular pharmaceutical assessment there is all the knowledge that is on the streets. It is unreliable, but it is there, so people believe that the medicine works in all sorts of ways. We have a responsibility in this place. People are obviously turning to the criminal supply chain to get such products. That is our fault, and the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington (Jeff Smith) is trying to find a way through so that we can get the service to patients that they deserve. That is why I think this Bill at the very least deserves a Second Reading, so that these issues can be pursued in Committee.
Katherine Fletcher
I am not sure I completely agree with my hon. Friend on the translation between the two. He almost makes my point for me. He talks about the ubiquity of cannabis on the streets, which I recognise, and the normalisation of that being within people’s purview.
Crispin Blunt
There is a wholesale difference between people using cannabis for recreational purposes, which we have made illegal and is one for debate, and people using medicines—medicines that we have made illegal and stopped the research—for therapeutic purposes. That is a quite different issue.
Katherine Fletcher
I thank my hon. Friend for the clarification. I think I might have used slightly clumsy language. What I am trying to get at is that for therapeutic use, there is still a required research standard. While cannabis is ubiquitous and lots of people use it for non-therapeutic and currently not legal uses—to quote Marshall Mathers III:
“Marijuana is everywhere, where was you brought up?”—
that does not translate into something that I feel I am comfortable in asking clinicians to engage with.
I want to develop my argument. If I may, I will mention my hon. Friend the Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Dr Mullan) and the five years of blood, sweat and tears—literally, I imagine—through medical school to achieve his title of doctor and take the Hippocratic oath. For those of us who have not gone through that journey, it is worth listening to the oath. The original version—its language is a bit dated now—is:
“I will use my power to help the sick to the best of my ability and judgement; I will abstain from all intentional wrong doing or harm”.
I think that touches on the point my hon. Friend the Member for Penrith and The Border (Dr Hudson) made about how, to avoid doing harm, there needs to be some certainty either way. In its more up-to-date form—this is the oath that doctors from the University of Exeter take—it states:
“I…pledge”—
I am not pledging myself—
“that I will do my best to serve humanity—caring for the sick, promoting good health and alleviating pain and suffering.”
Doctors are coming in wanting to do that, and I do not think the “blockage” that was referred to is anything to do with intention or fuddy-duddyness. Another of the lines they say is:
“I will care for all patients equally and not allow prejudice to influence my practice.”
Again, any doctor looking at a child as sick as Ben can be when his seizures are bad are not, having taken that oath, going to go, “Oh, well, there’s something I could prescribe.” Forgive me for continuing to emphasise the point, but the oath goes on:
“I will respect the autonomy and dignity of my patients, and will uphold their confidentiality. I…support…teachers, colleagues and all those who sustain the NHS.”
Then it gets to these lines:
“I shall never intentionally cause harm to my patients, and will have the utmost respect for human life.
I will practice medicine with integrity, humility, honesty and compassion.
I recognise that the practice of medicine is a privilege with which comes considerable responsibility and I will not abuse my position.”
This oath is a signifier of the integrity of individual doctors and medical ethics. It is their loadstone at the core of what they do, and I agree with them that it needs to be protected at all costs. Each doctor needs to weigh their own decisions, but for these complex cases—especially for some of the people who, by anecdote and, as I would put it, a good old case of looking at, have hugely benefited from medical cannabis—there is not one doctor in the system, but a series of them. While Ben has secured one NHS professor’s support for prescription and one private doctor’s support for prescription—I draw no distinction between the scale of the personal challenge and the qualifications that somebody has regardless of where they work—other medically qualified professionals within the CCG or funding panel are saying that they need more evidence.
Dr Kieran Mullan (Crewe and Nantwich) (Con)
I think it is very important for Members to remember that, at various stages through medical evidence building, there have been occasions when people have said very strongly that something, anecdotally, was working, yet further down the line we have discovered that that was not the case. There is therefore hesitancy when it comes to that kind of observational medicine as evidence, because I am afraid it is not reliable.
Katherine Fletcher
I thank my hon. Friend for his intervention, and if I do not embarrass him too much, may I also thank him for his service in hospital during the covid pandemic? It is the strength of experience and the variety of experience on these Benches that makes sure, when we do put stuff through, that the laws of this country are scrutinised by people from different perspectives, and he is a great example of that.
Joanne position’s is that she is coming to me with Ben saying, “This doctor says he can have medical cannabis, and then I have another set of doctors saying, ‘Well, we need more evidence before we can prescribe it’.”
Katherine Fletcher
No. Would the hon. Member let me, honestly, make a bit of progress? I hope she does not mind; I think I have been very fair.
We have a loving family in a state of limbo, we have medical professionals deeply concerned about whether it is the right thing to do and whether it is breaking their Hippocratic oath to prescribe, and we have someone who is not remotely qualified to make this decision being asked, in effect, to engage in a medical ethics debate when I am not qualified to do so.
I want to turn to another aspect, and this may be the point at which I have to declare my biology degree and a distinct possibility that this might get a bit nerdy. I apologise for that, but geeks may take over the world. I think we need an examination of the other side of this issue: how do the scientists, whether or not they are medically qualified doctors, and how does science provide an evidence base that gives the doctors some confidence and cuts out all of the nonsense? Effectively, I am asking for the House’s forbearance on the topic of standards of scientific proof.
To recap, the families of the children, including Ben, believe, based on the evidence of their own eyes—a No. 1 eyeball—that medicinal cannabis has an enormously positive effect on the seizures; seizures that are so distressing. I do not want to keep walking away and making this a theoretical concept, because it is not.
The family have secured the support of two medically qualified individuals, but others believe that the scientific literature lacks the evidence base—as has been pointed out, we do not have the evidence base because we made it illegal for 50 years and it became legal only three years ago—to prescribe specific compounds and drugs. There has not been enough research to understand formally, in the gold standard of a double-blind trial, whether these cannabis medicines do work.
The hon. Member for Manchester, Withington talked about the availability of different formulations of this generic thing, with different strains and different levels and ratios of THC and CBD. He mentioned a trial and error process to get these very sick children and adults a stable medicine that works for them. If it was my child, in extremis and in an emergency, I would want to go through that process, but as I scientist I think that trial and error can lead to rally big problems. It is not good enough to say, “We think medical cannabis has worked, so we’ll give you 0.5% or we’ll give you 10%”.
Tonia Antoniazzi
The problem is that we have been having this discussion for many years—ad infinitum. The hon. Lady is standing here today painting that picture. Ben has already had every single possible licensed or unlicensed medicine through the NHS. This is the only one that makes his life incredibly better. It is not a miracle cure, but it gives him a quality of life that he deserves. So do those other children. There is more than anecdotal evidence out there. I think she is insulting the families by making that case today.
Katherine Fletcher
The hon. Lady is being unfair. Listening to my words, she will understand that I have that level of emotion about a very poor and sick child, but I am trying to find a way of helping him that does not potentially put other children at risk because we are giving something on anecdote. I remind her that thalidomide was thought to be fine. If we step away from—[Interruption.] I cannot hear her chuntering at me from behind a mask. If she wants to insult me personally, stand up please.
Tonia Antoniazzi
I would not personally insult the hon. Lady because I do not think that this place is the place to do it. I will happily have a conversation with her afterwards. The issue we have here is that the word “anecdotal” has been thrown around. None of the experiences and none of the work that has been done by many of the people involved is anecdotal. this is not anecdotal. It is not about ethics. It is about getting medicine to the children who need it because the situation is now intolerable.
Katherine Fletcher
The term “anecdote” means, within a scientific context, not statistically proven. While the emotion that the hon. Lady shows on behalf of Ben’s family and other families is important, it is also important to step back. If nothing else, the pandemic has shown us the power of science to find the right answers to solve problems.
Dr Mullan
It is very important that we do not allow our compassion and our concern about individual cases to cloud our judgment about the fact that the NHS, the Department of Health and Social Care and the MHRA have to put systems in place that apply to every medicine across all the many treatments that are used. Questions like this arise repeatedly about many medicines. We should not use one case or one example to change the whole approach, which overall—as my hon. Friend has explained—aims to keep people safe.
Jeff Smith
The hon. Lady is making a thoughtful and important speech. May I go back to the mention of thalidomide, which I think is an unfair comparison? Thalidomide went through all the randomised controlled trials. People have used cannabis for thousands of years and nobody has ever found any evidence of any resulting foetal abnormalities, although there have not been randomised controlled trials.
The hon. Lady may wish to correct my impression, but she seems to be saying that randomised controlled trials are the only way to get evidence. I just think that we need to look beyond that. There is a whole wealth of evidence out there—a body of evidence. I am no scientific expert, but that is why I am proposing a commission of experts to look at the evidence and recommend a way forward. I just think that the comparison with thalidomide is not one that we should be making.
Katherine Fletcher
I made the comparison with thalidomide because it was an inappropriately researched product that had hugely deleterious effects, because people were not looking properly. I am happy to clarify for the record that I am in no way suggesting that medicinal cannabis could have the same side effects as thalidomide. I am talking about the scientific method.
Katherine Fletcher
This sitting Fridays thing is fascinating. I would absolutely love to give way.
Jim Shannon
The hon. Lady refers to evidence. Sophia Gibson, the daughter of my constituents, has had the use of medicinal cannabis for three and a half years. It has greatly improved her quality of life, reduced her epileptic fits and given her the opportunity to transcend from primary school to secondary school this year. Her parents have a very strong evidential base that it works.
Katherine Fletcher
I know her parents do, but as a scientist taking a decision on an n of 3—n being the number—it is not possible.
Several hon. Members rose—
Katherine Fletcher
Let me make a little progress. I am trying to defend science, but I am incredibly conscious that others want to speak and have other perspectives on the matter.
August bodies such as the British Paediatric Neurology Association, the General Medical Council, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence and the Royal College of Physicians have all issued guidance around the original change in the law, which was initially cautious. NICE has recently updated its guidance to state:
“There is no recommendation against the use of cannabis based medical products.”
However, it still does not address the issue of a positive evidence base for the safety and effectiveness of these drugs. How do we do that?
Mark Fletcher (Bolsover) (Con)
In response to some of the passions expressed, I want to say that my hon. Friend is making an incredible speech. Not only is it emotional, but it outlines the difficulties of ethics, decision making, science and research. I have listened for the past 30 minutes, captivated by the way in which she is presenting the matter to the House. On behalf of all hon. Members here today, may I say thank you?
Katherine Fletcher
I thank my hon. Friend. I reassure the House that it is not only a surname that we have in common.
I think we are getting somewhere. We need a scientific evidence base that we can prescribe to doctors or the system more broadly that will give them more confidence—or, as the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington suggests, effectively a bypass mechanism that says, “I know we haven’t got any evidence, but on this we’ll have to look at the very compelling but relatively small numbers.” There is an implication that we should just throw out what is working very well.
This is where the hon. Member might welcome what I am trying to get at—well, he might. The gold standard randomised controlled trial requires a very strongly controlled placebo. There are two cohorts of people who absolutely do not know whether they are on the placebo or the real thing, because there are a series of cognitive biases that can kick in if they think they are receiving a medicine and are not. I agree 100% with, and understand why, anybody whose child is currently taking medicinal cannabis and is stable and happy, would never put themselves in a position where they would have a one in x chance of receiving a placebo as opposed to the medicine. I spoke with Joanne Griffiths directly about that and I understand that.
However, during the covid pandemic the scientific establishment has changed trial design and its ways of doing things, so it has to be possible to find a placebo cohort of children with similar conditions who are not taking additional cannabis medicine. There are a number of reasons why people might choose to not use it. The UK is not an island. The other problem is that the numbers are fantastically low, so there is a relatively low pool of people to play with. However, the UK has shown itself to be a leader in global science. I think it would be possible to find, in other countries where they have not taken the progressive steps we have taken in the UK to legalise medicinal cannabis, a group of children with similar medical conditions and use them as the placebo. There is an opportunity for the scientific community to maintain the gold standard of a double-blind trial, but not necessarily put people in the position where they need to come across.
My call to Government would be to speed up the current observation trials and to engage with scientific leadership—remember, it is this Government who are putting extra billions into research and development because we are a science superpower—on a more creative RCT trial, looking for the placebo that proves or disproves it over a series of numbers on a global scale.
I will draw my remarks to a close. It is in the pincer between medical ethics and standards of evidence where, tragically, young men like Ben sit, and we see the distress. There are potential solutions. I see the sense of measures in the Bill, but they come back too much to the idea that by voting for the Bill as an MP and as an unqualified individual, I will be telling a medical professional what to do. That is how I read the Bill.
Katherine Fletcher
I am very conscious that others want to come in, so I am going to crack on.
While I am a nerd and I can understand the science, I think we are on shaky ground if elected individuals get into a position where we are strongly incentivising the system or telling medically qualified people who have taken an oath what to do. I do not think it is possible for us to say, “Okay, I know we do not have peer review evidence that that particular drug x on that percentage formulation can work, but the family says it does and I can see it does, so off you go and prescribe it.” Simply put, I do not think we can tell doctors what to do. I say that with a genuinely heavy heart.
I hugely commend the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington for bringing the Bill before the House today. I thank the hon. Member for Gower for her passionate contribution. I know she will continue to stick pins in me to make sure I continue to work behind the scenes. [Laughter.] My final message to Joanne is this: “I know you think I don’t care. I do. I just cannot support the Bill today.”
Crispin Blunt (Reigate) (Con)
What a terrific debate to have the privilege of taking part in. I have spoken on this subject before, so I will try to keep my remarks to a minimum, because many of them are already on the record, and I want to respond to the points raised in the debate.
First, I record an interest—it is not a financial interest—as I chair the Conservative Drug Policy Reform Group Ltd. I am unpaid for it and have no stake in it, but it is a think-tank that I have set up to try to get evidence-based policy delivered and to make the case on drug policy in its widest forms. We are dealing today with the opportunities we have missed due to the absence of drugs from the development of medicine. Given also the awful criminal justice consequences of our wider drugs policy over 60 years, I believe it is vital to get proper evidence into this space to guide our policy. That is why I welcome the Government’s drug strategy, published just a few days ago, with its commitment to evidence and data, and it is on evidence and data that we should be formulating policies.
It has been a terrific privilege over the past four years to work with the promoter of the Bill, the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington (Jeff Smith), who has become my friend in this cause. To colleagues, and in particular to my hon. Friend the Member for South Ribble (Katherine Fletcher)—she gave a very brave speech to juxtapose the almost unanswerable case of her constituent with the wider challenge of exercising our duty as Members of Parliament—when she says she wants to oppose the Bill, I say to her, “Not yet.” The issues that have been engaged in here, and the debate that is being had, deserves to go to a Committee of this House so that discussion can continue. It would be quite wrong to oppose this Bill on Second Reading. It is fine that, after all the efforts of the Government, who have been trying to engage with the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington to find a route that they could support, we have not yet been able to get that route, but let us continue that discussion in Committee. The debate will continue anyway; we are trying to find the right construction of our analysis of the evidence in order to arrive at a better answer than we have today.
The raw emotion engaged by the magnificent speech from the hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Andy McDonald), and the emotion surrounding speeches made by other colleagues on behalf of their constituents, is incredibly powerful in its own right, but my hon. Friend the Member for South Ribble quoted the doctors’ oath, which says:
“I will…not allow prejudice to influence my practice”.
If only our profession had done the same, because the position of cannabis and the psychedelics in schedule 1 to the Misuse of Drugs Regulations 2001 is not supported by any evidence. Why on earth is heroin subject to fewer controls for research purposes than the psychedelics? I am not aware of any cases where the psychedelics have directly caused harm—obviously nothing like the scale of harm caused by drugs that have been made legal, such as alcohol and tobacco, or by the opiates. In response to parliamentary questions, the Home Office has been unable to produce the evidential base.
The rotten truth about cannabis is that its position in the regulatory framework rests on the racist policing of the United States in the 1950s, which is the basis of the world’s approach to drugs policy, and that basis is morally bankrupt. When we have now to deal with the consequences, we ought to bear that in mind. We have a duty to try to find a way to make good the damage that we have done. When I say “we”, I mean 50 or 60 years of politicians, who have avoided engaging in these difficult questions. We have put ourselves on a moral high mountain, and have not been prepared to engage with the difficult trade-offs that are engaged by this issue. Our objective should be to protect the public good and to have a positive outcome for society through medicines and treatments—the positive things that drugs can do—as well as to minimise the damage that they can do.
I want to draw the attention of the House to the work of the magnificent people who work at Conservative Drug Policy Reform Group Ltd. The organisation is not part of our party, but I fully accept that its principal objective is aimed at our party because the position on the centre right is naturally rather more resistant to change than, perhaps, other parts of the political spectrum. Eighteen months ago, the group produced a terrific review of where we are on medicinal cannabis, called “The UK Review of Medicinal Cannabis”, which identifies, as a consequence of our policy, how many people are being driven into criminality in order to get the therapeutic use of a medicine based on cannabis.
It is not right that there are about 50,000 people growing their own cannabis to try to treat their multiple sclerosis. We should be in a better place and serve people better. We should not need Carly Barton to have to produce a pass to say that people have a diagnosis that might suggest that they would need medicinal cannabis in order for them to avoid arrest. All those people are formally at risk of 14 years in prison in order to access a therapeutic product. We are not in the right place on this issue, and it is up to us to try to correct it.
I totally agree with my hon. Friend the Member for South Ribble that we should not impose the answer on medical professionals, scientists and researchers, but I am afraid that that is what we have done, which is why we are held in collective contempt by the body of science and research. Opportunities have gone begging over decades because our drugs policy, in its widest sense, has not been informed by evidence and data.
Katherine Fletcher
My hon. Friend paints a picture that I recognise in part, but I am sure that he would welcome recent innovations and changes in the law, such as the Government allowing psilocybin—magic mushrooms—to be used in research on clinical depression. Does he welcome the fact that there is movement in this space despite, I grant you, more than a century of ignorance in the area?
Crispin Blunt
I fear that I missed what my hon. Friend refers to, because it still sits in schedule 1. When my team first presented the case for moving psilocybin out of schedule 1 so that we could actually do some research at scale, I thought that the case was so blindingly obvious that it would take about five minutes to speak to a Minister and get it done; indeed, I had a conversation with a Minister that rather implied that. But then we ran into what colleagues might in other circumstances call the blob—the endless circuit on which the family of Teagan Appleby have found themselves, as my hon. Friend the Member for Dover (Mrs Elphicke) explained.
I simply say to colleagues, given the data that I will publish through the Conservative Drug Policy Reform Group next week, that it is a substantial majority position in this House that our drugs policy is not working and we need to do something about it. The worst signal that we could send would be that we are not going to continue the conversation about the proposal in the Bill by sending it into Committee. If we do not give it a Second Reading, that is what we will be doing. Let us get it into Committee and continue to have the conversation. Whether it is fit for Third Reading, or for the Government to support, is a decision we can take later.
Sally-Ann Hart
I agree with my hon. Friend. That reminds me of a request I made to our local CCG. It is up to MPs to lobby local CCGs and for constituents to lobby their MPs. I lobbied our local CCG recently with regard to—[Interruption.]
Sally-Ann Hart
I thank my hon. Friend for prompting me to remember it. Neurofibromatosis is a terribly rare disease. It would be great if we could have the café au lait marks put in children’s red books, but of course we need the evidence base to do that. I lobbied our local CCG to see if it could do that and I know it has been taken higher up the chain to see what evidence base we need. I quite agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Great Grimsby (Lia Nici), because we can lobby and the CCG can do the same.
Sally-Ann Hart
I completely agree.
It is a really positive step that the NHS refractory epilepsy specialist clinical advisory service has been established to support clinicians working with patients to optimise the treatment of refractory epilepsy, and that an e-learning model has been developed by Health Education England. This shows what can be done as we move forward.
I have to highlight my concern with some of the arguments surrounding the legalisation of cannabis for medicinal use in the UK, especially those that call for sick people to be permitted to grow their own cannabis under licence. I recognise that the hon. Member for Manchester, Withington mentioned my concern that, if we give permission, we have to be careful that people do not abuse it for recreational purposes. We have to be aware of that. The argument that the continued ban on cannabis is irrational because cannabis works as a medicine for a number of medical conditions indicates that there may well be a push for cannabis to be legalised without any real proof required of safety and effectiveness.
Katherine Fletcher
My hon. Friend is making a really interesting point. It is very important that we are careful not to conflate the legalisation of cannabis for recreational use and what is already legal. I know she is not, but does she accept that clarification?
Sally-Ann Hart
I do not want to conflate them, but we have to be aware of that. We must also be aware that using cannabis, medicinally or otherwise, carries risk. There is really not enough data on the effects of cannabis on a child’s brain development, for example. Cannabis carries significant mental health risks for some individuals, and using it increases the risk of developing psychosis, depression and anxiety, as highlighted by Professor Colin Drummond, chair of the addictions faculty at the Royal College of Psychiatrists.
Dr Mullan
No. The point I am making is that nothing in the NIHR’s work says that it will only consider research and applications that are RCTs, and nothing prevents NICE from looking at any number of other methods of research. Opposition Members are saying that the Bill is the only way to get people to look at the evidence more broadly, but that is simply not true.
Katherine Fletcher
Briefly, I think I heard the hon. Member for Tooting (Dr Allin-Khan) talk about an RCT being immoral, implying that there is only one specific type of study design. She is talking about an RCT that would include forcing a placebo on children who are receiving medicine at the moment, but does my hon. Friend agree that RCTs can be designed in other ways and that we should not tar them all with one brush?