Coastguard Helicopter Services

Debate between Jim Shannon and Jim Allister

Tuesday 14th January 2025 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon]

Then I wish you well in your new role. I am sure that you and I and others will meet on a number of occasions—

[Jim Allister]

Will the hon. Member give way?

[Jim Shannon]

I am happy to give way.

[Jim Allister]

While we are on statistics, can the hon. Member tell us how many times he has spoken in this Chamber?

[Jim Shannon]

I am unable to answer that. I say only that I make sure that the constituency of Strangford is named every time I am here. That is the important point, because it is the people who put me here.

It is a real pleasure to follow the right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr Carmichael). In all honesty, there probably is not a debate where I do not find myself alongside the right hon. Gentleman, whether it is on fishing issues, coastguard issues, farming or whatever it may be. These are all things that he and I, along with others, have a deep interest in, and we come to Westminster Hall to put forward the case on behalf of our constituents.

European Union (Withdrawal Arrangements) Bill

Debate between Jim Shannon and Jim Allister

2nd reading
Friday 6th December 2024 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. and learned Gentleman for bringing forward the Bill. It is important for us in Northern Ireland and for this whole great United Kingdom to look at this. Our constituents must not lose their place in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland without consent, by stealth, but that is what is happening. Brexit was a vote for all of us to leave Europe, not for Northern Ireland to leave the UK, and this outstanding matter is detrimental to our economy, peace and stability. Does he agree that the Bill must be supported by all in the House if there is to be justice for all in this great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland?

[Jim Allister]

The hon. Member touches on a fundamental. In June 2016, we all had the opportunity to vote on Brexit. Some liked it and some did not, but the question on the ballot paper was: “Do you want the United Kingdom to leave the EU?” The question was not: “Would you like GB to leave the EU, and leave Northern Ireland behind?” But that is what we got. That is a fundamental denial of Brexit to my constituents in Northern Ireland. That is the source of the disparity, and undemocratic consequences have flowed from that.

I mentioned the 300 areas of law. They are all recited in annex 2 of the protocol. It is no surprise that the first area of law covered in annex 2 is customs, and that the first law put on the people of Northern Ireland is the EU’s customs code: EU regulation 952/2013. What does the customs code do? It operates on the basis that GB—those who got Brexit—is no longer a part of the EU; it is, in the words of the customs code, a “third country”, or in common parlance a foreign country, whereas Northern Ireland is treated as EU territory. Therefore we have this absurd insult under the customs code that goods coming to Northern Ireland—a supposed part of the United Kingdom—from GB must be subject to all the rigour of declarations, checks and reporting of data recording. Why? Because GB is treated as a foreign country when it sends its goods, particularly its raw materials, to my part of the United Kingdom.

That is the iniquitous effect of the Union partitioning and dividing the customs code and protocol. Some Members seem to find that amusing. If hon. Members believe at all in the United Kingdom—maybe some do not—they should be as offended as I am by the fact that moving goods from one part of the United Kingdom to another involves an international customs border under the control of foreign law. How could any MP—amused or otherwise—think that is right and equitable?

Pakistan: Freedom of Religion

Debate between Jim Shannon and Jim Allister

Thursday 28th November 2024 Commons Chamber

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

We are familiar with interventions from bodies such as Amnesty International and the United Nations even in our own country. Obviously there is a far more acute need for their attention in places such as Pakistan. Does that seem to be articulated and driven home adequately, and is it having an impact, especially on such appalling matters as forced marriages and honour killings?

[Jim Shannon]

I would love to say that such interventions are having an impact, but unfortunately I do not see much evidence of it. Our responses have to be evidentially based. Amnesty International is involved, and present, in Pakistan. Is it highlighting these things in Pakistan? Only Amnesty can answer that. We do not see much evidence of it.

My concern is that the legislative and societal frameworks in Pakistan have created an environment where intolerance thrives. The blasphemy laws, which I ask the Minister to respond to directly, were introduced during General Zia ul-Haq’s regime. They are among the harshest in the world, and have been frequently weaponised against religious minorities. I will give some examples of that in the debate.

Windsor Framework

Debate between Jim Shannon and Jim Allister

Tuesday 19th November 2024 Westminster Hall

[Jim Allister]

It has infected every sector, and none more so than the farming sector, which is topical today. Northern Ireland’s veterinary medicines are now under the regime of the EU, and we are facing a cliff edge in that regard—there could be a cut-off of supply from our primary market of veterinary medicines very shortly.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. and learned Member for securing the debate. He is right to mention farming. Does he agree that our farmers, who have been decimated by the inheritance tax proposals, will not be able to access state aid, while farmers on the mainland can apply for and get that aid? The Government must do the right thing: remove the protocol and return Northern Ireland to the UK in every way.

[Jim Allister]

I agree with that. Of course, the protocol contains an EU cap on the amount of funding that can be given to farming. All the things that the hon. Member says are correct.

All that flows out of one fundamental point: the protocol and Windsor framework mean that, in 300 areas of law, Northern Ireland is now subject to laws made not in this place or in Stormont, but in a foreign Parliament by foreign parliamentarians—the parliamentarians of the EU. That is such an assault on the enfranchisement of our constituents—it is, rather, their disenfranchisement —and on basic constitutional and democratic accountability. It is something, I would suggest, that no Member of this House would contemplate for one moment for their constituents, and yet those of us who represent Northern Ireland, as well as our constituents, are expected to accept that we should be impotent when it comes to making the laws that govern much of our economy.