International Human Rights Day Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateJim Shannon
Main Page: Jim Shannon (Democratic Unionist Party - Strangford)Department Debates - View all Jim Shannon's debates with the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office
(1 year, 11 months ago)
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I could not have put it better. The hon. Gentleman makes an excellent point. We should not allow Governments other than the UK Government to say what the right response is. I thank him for the intervention.
Over 50% of those executed were convicted on the basis of their participation in pro-democracy demonstrations back in March. As executions are confirmed only once the death sentence has been carried out, we do not know how many people are on death row in Saudi Arabia. That is also the case in China, North Korea, Vietnam, Egypt and Iran. I will speak about the latter two shortly.
I understand that between 500 and 600 people have been executed in Iran in the past year, so if there is a country that is top of the league, and really has to be brought to book, Iran is that country.
I will come on to speak about Iran; the figures that we hear are shocking.
I say this to the Saudi regime: the world is watching, and will continue to call it out on these executions, particularly when the offences are considered not to be the most serious, or are non-violent or involve juveniles, and when the sentence follows a manifestly unfair prosecution. This is, of course, a violation of the most fundamental right: the right to life.
That brings me to the Saudi criminal justice system, which remains opaque. We know that international fair trial standards are not generally upheld there, and there are credible allegations that some of the accused are tortured to make them sign confessions. Of course, we must not forget the brutal and brazen killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018, which US intelligence concluded, with a medium to high degree of certainty, had been carried out on the orders of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. I truly hope that one day, there will be real accountability for that heinous murder.
Lastly on Saudi Arabia, I highlight the case of imprisoned human rights defender Mohammed al-Qahtani, who is reportedly being kept incommunicado after his family filed a complaint about attacks on him by inmates. Al-Qahtani is a founding member of the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association, which was dissolved in 2013. That year, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison for allegedly providing false information to outside sources, including UN human rights mechanisms.
Like Saudi Arabia, Iran continues to be one of the world’s leading implementers of the death penalty, as we heard from the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon). The death penalty is used for such acts as insulting the Prophet, apostasy, same-sex relations, adultery, drinking alcohol and certain non-violent drug-related offences, although some drug-related offences are now meant to be exempt. Iranian courts, particularly revolutionary courts, regularly fall far short of providing fair trials, and use confessions likely obtained under torture as evidence in court.
I am sure other colleagues will speak to my next point, so I will limit my remarks about the widespread protests in Iran, following the death in September of Jina Mahsa Amini in detention. She was arrested by Iran’s so-called morality police for not wearing her hijab properly. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights highlighted that Iranian security forces,
“notably the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Basij forces have used live ammunition, birdshot and other metal pellets, teargas and batons”
against protesters. An estimated 300 people were killed and 15,000 arrested.
Turning to human rights defenders at risk, imprisoned human rights defender Arash Sadeghi has been jailed on multiple occasions for his activities in defence of human rights, and was arrested again on 20 October 2022 for unknown reasons. He has been placed in indefinite detention, and his health is deteriorating. I echo the calls for his immediate release. One of the cases featured in Amnesty International’s “Write for Rights” 2022 campaign is that of Vahid Afkari, who remains in solitary confinement following unsafe and highly questionable convictions. His brother Navid was sentenced to death on similar charges and secretly executed in September 2020, sparking international outrage.
I will continue with this focus on the middle east, but move on to Bahrain. In common with many others, I remain open to constructive engagement with the relevant Bahraini authorities and those in Bahraini civil society, who work under very difficult conditions. However, I am worried that in the longer term, the country’s stability will be undermined by increasing polarisation, due at least in part to multiple allegations of human rights violations, including against those widely deemed to be political prisoners. I remain concerned that despite some welcome releases under the alternative sentences law, a number of political prisoners, such as Hassan Mushaima, Dr Abduljalil al-Singace and Sheikh Ali Salman, remain in Jau prison. Quite simply, they should not be in jail, and I join calls for their immediate release.
I urge the UK Government to play a more positive role that is not limited to giving support to oversight bodies in Bahrain, but that instead extends to encouraging and assisting the Bahraini Government in taking such confidence-building measures as, in particular, the release of political prisoners and the initiation of meaningful political dialogue.
I also highlight the exploitative practices against migrant workers, which has come under the spotlight with the building of infrastructure for the World cup in Qatar. The kafala system is the framework that defines the legal status of most migrant workers in the Gulf region, Jordan and Lebanon. Workers are often recruited on time-limited contracts to work for a specific employer. Although there have been welcome changes to the conditions applicable to migrant workers in most Gulf Co-operation Council countries, such as a move to allowing workers to change employers more easily, these reforms can be hard to enforce, and worker protests may result in deportation.
Workers also often still face poor working and living conditions, overt racism and debt bondage. Difficulties continue to beset many migrant domestic workers, who may not benefit from labour laws, including in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Lebanon. They can reportedly face the most abuse, and can be victims of sexual violence. Many women choose not to report these serious violations for fear of losing their job or even being charged with a crime; some women have been prosecuted for having extramarital sex, even in cases of alleged rape.
I am aware that my time is limited, so although I could speak about the middle east all afternoon, I will now briefly highlight concerns in north Africa, particularly in Egypt and Tunisia. Egypt is sadly yet another country where the death penalty is carried out, often after manifestly unfair trials, and many people are arbitrarily detained, often in very poor conditions. There was some media coverage of that in the run-up to COP27.
I make a special plea to the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to do all it can to secure the release of British-Egyptian dual national, Alaa Abd el-Fattah, as well as his lawyer, Mohamed el-Baqer, who are among thousands unjustly imprisoned in that country. I can only agree with Amnesty International that Egypt’s adoption of a national human rights strategy is completely disconnected from the reality on the ground. I trust that no one will be taken in by that cynical propaganda exercise.
Turning to the country that was pivotal to what, at the time, was referred to as the Arab spring, it is very sad to see the democratic backsliding that we have witnessed in Tunisia in the last 18 months. It follows what was effectively a coup by President Saied, who suspended Parliament, removed the immunity of parliamentarians, dismissed the Prime Minister, removed other high-level officials from their positions and assumed oversight of the office of the public prosecutor.
Although there had been political deadlock in Parliament and a deteriorating economic situation, which has not since improved, the way forward for Tunisia cannot be a return to authoritarianism, and President Saied cannot be viewed as the country’s saviour. According to the presidential road map, there are to be parliamentary elections next week, but they are very unlikely to be free and fair, the President having been given wide-ranging powers before, during and after the vote. It is feared that Parliament will be reduced to a consultative body at best, and will be there to effectively rubber-stamp decisions by the Executive.
In addition, the Tunisian Parliament is going backwards when it comes to female representation. Whereas it had been a beacon for gender equity in the region, a new law introduced in September strips gender parity provisions from a previous electoral law aimed at ensuring more gender equality in elected assemblies.
Finally, I come to the situation in Zimbabwe. I ask that the UK Government pay special attention to it in the run-up and aftermath of the elections that are due to be held next year, given that past elections have been the catalyst for violence and serious abuses. I continue to urge accountability for the assaults, mistreatment and ongoing persecution of three Opposition politicians from the Movement for Democratic Change Alliance: Cecilia Chimbiri, Netsai Marova, and Member of Parliament Joana Mamombe. They were abducted from police custody by suspected state agents for taking part in a protest in Harare, and are being prosecuted, unbelievably, for making false reports about their abduction. That is another case featured in Amnesty’s “Write for Rights” campaign 2022. Joana’s case has been taken up by the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s committee on the human rights of parliamentarians, which in 2021 dealt with the cases of more than 600 MPs from 44 countries whose rights had been violated.
Though I have focused on the challenges we continue to face in ensuring respect for human rights globally, I would also like to take the time to highlight the positive impact on the ground of human rights defenders, whom the PHRG is privileged to meet regularly, and organisations such as the UN. Recently, we have been delighted to host the UN special rapporteur on human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor; the Council of Europe; Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch; Peace Brigades International; Reprieve; and Redress, among many others. Their work, and our work here, truly does make a difference. The arbitrarily detained, such as Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, Anoosheh Ashoori and other dual nationals in Iran, are released; those at risk are better protected; and miscarriages of justice are overturned.
One of my small victories this year was the release on humanitarian grounds of a British national in a United Arab Emirates prison. He remained in detention even though he had received a pardon from the King and had served his original sentence. The resilience of this man is unparalleled, and his ability to remain optimistic despite all he went through during his detention is inspiring. I was delighted to finally meet him in person here in London following his release. It was a real reminder of why continued work in this space is so essential, and of the impact that can be had. That work would not have been possible without the help and support of Nicole Piché, secretariat for the PHRG, and the FCDO. That man is now fighting for better medical care for other foreign prisoners in the UAE, to give those he had to leave behind much support that is not otherwise available. I follow his work as he continues with this fight, and feel immensely grateful for the fact that, owing to his release, he is now able to lend his voice to the voiceless.
I want to close by thanking both former and present FCDO Ministers and officials for their positive engagement with the PHRG, and their representations and action on human rights cases. They will be all too familiar with our regular correspondence on various cases, but there is always more that can be done, including on the many issues that I have raised today. I ask the Government to resume publishing their annual human rights report and releasing their human rights updates, as the last one appears to have been published in July last year. The reports provide a useful summary of the action undertaken by the FCDO and are a demonstration of the UK Government’s ongoing commitment to the international human rights framework.
I have only spoken about a small number of countries with worrying human rights records. So many people across the globe—both those whose names we know, and those whose names we do not yet know—are relying on the support of those of us who have the freedom to speak out on their behalf.
I thank the hon. Member for Rutherglen and Hamilton West (Margaret Ferrier) for securing this important debate. I declare an interest as chair of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief. The hon. Member for Congleton (Fiona Bruce) is not in her place at the moment, but I commend her on her contribution. Mine will have a similar focus. What a pleasure it is to follow the right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull North (Dame Diana Johnson). I agree wholeheartedly with her comments. I asked a question in business questions today on Afghanistan and the very public, grotesque, violent, criminal and disturbing execution that was carried out, just yesterday. The right hon. Lady is absolutely right on that, and in highlighting the issue of women judges from Afghanistan.
We welcome those judges to the UK. I commend them. They were at the forefront of pro-democracy efforts in Afghanistan, and were some of those most at risk from the Taliban. They have been in the UK now for more than a year and are still stuck in temporary hotel accommodation. They are professional people who will be able to make a massive contribution to society. I am quite disturbed that we have not yet moved them on. I am not sure whether that is the Minister’s direct responsibility, but I would be grateful if he would pass that issue to the right Minister for reply. These are people who have risked their lives. They are here, and we welcome them, and that is great news, but we have to give them some vision for the future and some hope that they can make a contribution in their new homeland, where they want to live. I commend the right hon. Lady on her comments; that issue was in my mind already before we came here today.
Today, we mark International Human Rights Day. The theme this year is dignity, freedom and justice for all. All Members who have spoken have referred to that theme. Since the adoption of the universal declaration of human rights in 1948, it has served as a foundation for an expanding system of human rights protection across the globe. That is something that every country should aim for. However, the protections that human rights offer have never been under greater threat. The rise of authoritarianism, which the hon. Member for Rhondda (Chris Bryant) referred to—he is absolutely right—the global financial crisis, climate change, the covid-19 pandemic, the conflict in Ukraine, escalating attacks against minorities and restrictions in civil society have led to a sustained assault on those fundamental rights in recent years.
For me it is clear—I have said it before, and will say it again. Human rights and freedom of religious belief walk hand in hand. They complement each other in the focus that they bring and the issues they target. When I think of Ukraine, I am minded from my chairmanship of the APPG of the 400 Baptist churches that have been destroyed across eastern Ukraine. I think of the pastors of those churches, who have gone missing, and in many cases have not been found—we do not know where they are at this time. Other people have referred to the displaced, and those pastors are some of the displaced. Their congregations were dispersed, probably to western Ukraine, but some elements are left in eastern Ukraine under Russian control. We think of them as well.
As this year’s theme for the day is dignity, freedom and justice for all, I want to talk about a right that is often overlooked internationally but has been prioritised by this House and by this Government, and that is the fundamental right to freedom of religion or belief. That right is a cornerstone for many. Faith is deeply personal and impacts every area of a person’s life. Despite that, it is often overlooked in the greater sphere of life.
Freedom of religion or belief was excluded from the sustainable development goals, which it should have been part of; it is seldom considered in humanitarian aid or international development. It should be, and must be, and we have asked for that in nearly every debate we have had on the subject. I hope the Minister can give us some indication of whether that would be the Government’s intention.
Religious minorities are often disproportionately affected by the impact of climate change, poverty and terror attacks. I want to talk about Nigeria, a country where human rights and freedom of religion or belief are abused. The north-east and middle states of Nigeria have seen atrocities on a horrendous scale. It is the most populated country in all of Africa. It is potentially a powder keg for Africa. We hope that next year’s elections go well and that Nigeria can resume some sort of normality, although I am not entirely convinced that that is possible. In the north, Christians, Shi’a Muslims and members of traditional African religions have been targeted by Boko Haram and Daesh; and in the middle belt, Fulani herders have attacked primarily Christian communities. In the last 10 years, nearly 40,000 people have been killed in Nigeria. That is an incredible number. It is the population of my town of Newtownards back home, and I can just imagine what it would mean with nobody living in that town. What does it mean for other hon. Members here who can visualise what 40,000 deaths would mean in their constituency? In the last two years alone—I will cite the figure that is put about—at least 7,520 Christians have been killed in Nigeria.
In addition to those deaths, Nigeria has more than 3 million internally displaced persons living in camps and informal settlements. In May of this year, we visited Nigeria through the APPG. The hon. Member for Argyll and Bute (Brendan O’Hara) and I were in the deputation together and we saw the situation at first hand. Some of those displaced people have been in camps for seven and a half years. It is depressing to know that they have been there for that length of time and have not moved on—they have not had the opportunity.
There are things that perhaps Nigeria could do and the UN could do as well. Perhaps the UK could also be part of that. For example, there is some land available in Nigeria. There, these farmers—Christian farmers—could have land and cultivate it and play a physical, practical role in building a future and looking after their families. These are things that could happen.
Religious minorities are often excluded from larger camps due to discrimination or fears of additional attacks. That leads to traumatised groups unable to access humanitarian aid and being denied access to development programmes. Much of the funding for those programmes comes from UK aid. We should have a responsibility to ensure that aid does not discriminate against Christian or Shi’a groups unable to access it through larger IDP camps.
The figures for this situation are really disturbing. The scale of it is colossal and hard to picture, so let me share just two stories from our trip. The hon. Member for Argyll and Bute will remember these. He will remember many, because we all remember many, but I am going to give two examples, if I may, of the horror that Nigeria is for those people of ethnic and religious belief.
In one village that was attacked, we heard a story of a young mother and her six-year-old daughter. They had tried to run away, and she was surrounded and caught by the attackers. The attackers then turned their machetes on the mother and said, “Your girl would like to suck your finger,” and proceeded to cut off her forefinger. Of course, the lady passed out through the pain and the horror, but once she came to some time later, she found that her six-year-old girl was dead beside her, with her mother’s fingers stuck in her mouth. That is the horror of Nigeria today for those of a Christian belief and those of another ethnic minority belief. In another attack, there was an elderly lady to whom the attackers said, “Oh grandma, you look cold,” and then they threw her into a burning home, where she died. This is the horrible brutality, violence and criminality of those in Nigeria.
A few weeks ago, it was Red Wednesday and we had a photograph done. Mr Paisley, I think you were there; indeed, I know that many here were also there. I met Bishop Jude of Ondo. He visited Parliament and told the story of the attack on St Francis Xavier Catholic church in Ondo state on Pentecost this year in which terrorists killed 51 worshippers. Bishop Jude highlighted the fact that in the short term the effects of violence against Christian communities are the loss of life and the spreading of terror and displacement, and that in the medium to long term these attacks are devastating communities, who lose access to healthcare, education and jobs, all of which ultimately makes it impossible for many communities to survive.
In 2019, the all-party group published a report that highlighted the issues, titled “Nigeria: Unfolding Genocide?” The question was important, as the report documented genocidal activities happening in the country—not just the deliberate killings of Christians and Shi’as but the vast scale of the killings, the destruction of settlements and places of worship, which forced those groups out of parts of Nigeria, and the targeting and abduction of children with the intent of transferring them out of those communities. More work is needed from the international community to fully investigate those crimes and to answer the important questions of intent, and whether it is a deliberate, systematic approach to eradicate certain communities from parts of Nigeria.
We had opportunities to meet those in different Departments. The APPG believes that His Majesty’s Government need to put pressure on the Nigerian authorities to stop such attacks happening. They can do it. The hon. Member for Argyll and Bute and I well recall an attack that was carried out in a village in eastern Nigeria. The army camp was no more than a few hundred yards away. Those in the camp made no effort whatever to stop the killing, murder, violence and abuse of women and girls that took place, within shouting distance of them, which tells us that they could do better. We must do everything that we can to bring the perpetrators of terrorist violence and killings to account.
Particular attention is needed to protect those who are most vulnerable to abduction, particularly women and girls. The right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull North referred to that, and it is important that it is addressed. Provision also needs to be established to help to restore and rebuild those communities, and we need to ensure that UK aid does not indirectly discriminate against them. Aid must reach all those who need it the most. The hon. Members for Congleton and for Rhondda referred to China, which received £68.4 million in aid last year, yet is guilty of some of the worst human rights abuses in the world. I would not give it aid, and I encourage our Government not to do so. From 2016 to 2020, India received £1.9 billion in aid, yet its abuse and persecution of those in that country of the Christian or Muslim faith is outrageous. It is time that we looked at where aid goes and make countries accountable. Others referred to where aid could be better used. It could be used in countries where human rights mean something, and freedom of religious belief means something.
Actions to prevent, protect, prosecute and restore, alongside ensuring that our foreign policy and international aid is FORB-literate, provide a model for protecting the rights of religious minorities. That is relevant to not just Nigeria but some of the worst human rights abusers across the world. We have heard about many of them. They include Afghanistan, China, Pakistan, Iran, North Korea and many others. Apart from being morally right, protecting FORB has many benefits. Countries that do so are more stable and have lower levels of corruption and higher levels of economic output. Conversely, countries that start scapegoating or attacking religious minorities are often taking their first steps to a more authoritarian Government, paving the way for broader human rights abuses against free speech, freedom of assembly and the fundamental rights of all our citizens.
I am pleased to speak in the debate, and hope that the Minister will be able to give us some encouragement and succour on how aid can be better used. We are privileged and honoured to be Members of Parliament, but I believe, as I know others do, that we have to be a voice for the voiceless. Today, this House has been just that.
I do not disagree.
In China, there are continuing reports of human rights violations against Uyghur Muslims and other minorities. There has also been increasing pressure on media freedom and growing assaults on Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom. We raise our concerns at the highest levels with the Chinese Government. We have imposed sanctions, provided guidance to businesses, introduced enhanced export controls and announced penalties under the Modern Slavery Act 2015.
I referred to the aid that the UK gives China—£64.6 million in the past year. Why are we giving China aid when it totally ignores human rights and persecution issues? Forgive me for being so direct, but I think it is time we stopped it.
I do not have the data to hand, but I signed off a parliamentary question to another colleague that set out clearly that none of that funding goes to the Chinese Government. It is mostly for working with them on third-country issues and climate change, but I will ensure that the breakdown is sent to the hon. Gentleman, because it is important that we are clear that that is not how we are spending the money. We are working together where we can to tackle some of those wider issues. I will ensure that the detail is sent to him.
We are also working in our international fora to continue to shine a spotlight on violations and to hold China to account. We are not shy of being a critical friend where we need to be. In October, our global diplomatic effort helped to secure the support of 50 countries for a further joint statement on Xinjiang at the UN General Assembly.
Under the Magnitsky sanctions, the UK announced new sanctions against four Chinese Government officials and an entity responsible for enforcing the repressive security policies across Xinjiang. We will continue to act in concert with our likeminded partners to ensure that those responsible for gross human rights violations are brought to account.
I hope that the right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland will be reassured to hear that on 24 November, the Government announced that companies subject to the national intelligence law of the People’s Republic of China should not be able to supply surveillance systems to sensitive Government sites. The Procurement Bill will further strengthen the ability of public sector bodies to exclude suppliers where there is a concern about human rights.
The Taliban continues to repress viciously the rights of Afghans, particularly women and girls and others from marginalised groups. The right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull North (Dame Diana Johnson) set out vividly some of the appalling human rights abuses being inflicted by the Taliban.