St Andrew’s Day and Scottish Affairs Debate

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Department: Scotland Office

St Andrew’s Day and Scottish Affairs

Graeme Downie Excerpts
Thursday 11th December 2025

(1 day, 7 hours ago)

Commons Chamber
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Graeme Downie Portrait Graeme Downie (Dunfermline and Dollar) (Lab)
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I beg to move,

That this House has considered St Andrew’s Day and Scottish affairs.

I thank the Backbench Business Committee for the opportunity to mark St Andrew’s day and to discuss Scottish affairs. As a Fife MP, I begin by noting that the town of St Andrews is at the opposite end of the kingdom from my constituency, and it is always a pleasure to see the hon. Member for North East Fife (Wendy Chamberlain) in her place. St Andrews is obviously not as important or beautiful as anywhere in Dunfermline and Dollar, but it is a place long associated with Scotland’s patron saint and, of course, famous for being the home of golf.

Across Scotland, we celebrate not only our connection to St Andrew, but the thread that runs through our national story: a generous spirit, a quiet strength and a belief that community, work and learning can change lives. As the Member for Dunfermline and Dollar, I see those qualities every day in the people and places that have shaped our history and will build our future.

Today I want to speak in three parts: Scotland as it was, Scotland as it is, and Scotland as it could be. In doing so, I will speak to the opportunities that different generations have experienced, the prospects that Scotland now must champion, the importance of our infrastructure and the lessons we can take from St Andrew’s life itself. I will also celebrate organisations—

Christine Jardine Portrait Christine Jardine (Edinburgh West) (LD)
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I thank the hon. Member for giving way, especially so early in his speech. He talks about Scotland as we were. Does he share my concern that too often our history has been oversimplified, over-romanticised and focused on William Wallace, Robert Bruce and this entanglement with England, and has not looked at Scotland’s contribution not only to British but to world history and our achievements in engineering, for example?

Graeme Downie Portrait Graeme Downie
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I thank the hon. Member for her intervention and, indeed, for sponsoring my application to the Backbench Business Committee. She has anticipated one of the points that I will make later, and I should say that my speech does not mention either of those key figures in Scottish history she mentions, but it does mention many others. In this speech, I will embody some of those names that are particularly associated with my part of the world, such as King Malcolm, St Margaret and Mary Queen of Scots, through to Andrew Carnegie and beyond. I do not intend to start a civil war this afternoon, so I will perhaps not dwell on the most famous person to be born in Dunfermline: a certain Charles I—a name well known in these parts, of course.

When we talk about Scotland as it was, we should be proud of our history, but we should also acknowledge the difficulties and errors that have led to our present. As well as celebrating Scots abroad in every corner of the world, every airport people land in and every bar, we must remember Scotland’s past—the past we see when we look up in cities like Glasgow and across the country and see the remnants of the slave trade that Scotland also profited from. When we talk about the British empire and its legacy, both positively and negatively—as we rightly should—Scotland must also be part of all sides of that conversation. We must weigh the legacy that older generations built, the conditions they enjoyed and the sacrifices they made against the obligations we owe to younger people today.

In my constituency, Dunfermline is a place where the past walks with us. It is simultaneously Scotland’s newest and oldest city, and beneath our streets lies St Margaret’s cave, a place of reflection linked to a queen whose charitable deeds still resonate. It reminds us that the spiritual heart of our country rests not in institutions, but in the everyday acts of care for neighbour and stranger.

Few names loom larger than Andrew Carnegie. Born in Dunfermline, Carnegie’s journey from a weaver’s cottage to global philanthropy is the essence of the Scottish ladder of opportunity: education, enterprise and duty to community. Carnegie understood that libraries, learning and practical skills were not luxuries; they were the engines of mobility and civic confidence. The more a society invests in open knowledge, the more its people can change their lives.

Beyond Fife, Scotland’s identity was also forged in its coalfields. In Lanarkshire, Ayrshire, the Lothians and beyond, coal powered our factories, heated our homes and drove our railways and ships. Coalfield communities were not just clusters of employment; they were webs of support, with co-operative societies, miners’ institutes, working men’s clubs, brass bands—the social infrastructure that turned wages into lives.

Yet we must be honest. Older generations grew up in an era when the opportunity of a path from school to a skilled job was more certain, when housing was more affordable and when public spaces were continually endowed. For many, the apprenticeship or the training scheme led to stable employment and social housing, and the state, industry and unions wrestled—however imperfectly—towards fairer settlements. That does not mean life was easy. The safety net was less secure, working conditions were tougher, child poverty was higher and life expectancy was shorter, but the stability and prospects for generational improvement were clearer.

Let me move on to Scotland as it is, in my eyes. Where has the Scotland of the past led us? What do we see around us? I will focus on the support that we provide to older people in need, compared with what we provide for the young. We see an intergenerational gap in assets, wages and housing security. Graduates and non-graduates alike report difficulty finding stable, well-paid work in their field. The cost of renting has increased, a deposit for a mortgage remains out of reach for many, and the certainty associated with long-term careers is less common. For the first time since world war two, our children’s generation is projected to be poorer than that of their parents. Younger people come from an uncertain past. The financial crisis of 2008 left deep scars. Brexit—a decision made by older people—has reduced young people’s opportunities. The pandemic not only affected the people who were also hit hardest by the crash, but, by hitting their children, became intergenerational. In that pandemic, we asked young people to sacrifice their tomorrow to protect the today of their elders.

St Andrew spoke of the importance of service to others, respect and compassion. What better example can we find of those values than our nation’s young people? Is it any wonder, though, that those young people, with their uncertain past and present, look around and wonder why older people are the ones with the skills that the economy needs, and which young people have never had the opportunity to get; with the wealth that young people have never had the opportunity to gather; and with the security of their own home, while young people languish in childhood bedrooms? On top of that, successive Governments have granted older generations certain and increasing income—something that younger generations will likely never know.

This is not intended to be a counsel of despair; it is a call to rebuild the ladder with more rungs and stronger rails, and a call for clearer signposts. The answer lies in a proper economic strategy and skills. The UK Labour Government have acknowledged mistakes of the past, in which a university education was presented as a guaranteed path to securing higher income—a myth blown truly and utterly wide open. The Government have sought to place apprenticeships on the same level of importance and pride, because our economy desperately needs technical and professional skills. We need both learning by doing, and learning by the book. To misquote slightly a book that many of us read at school—I am sure that our teachers will be delighted to know that we still remember it—we need the Chris of the land and the Chris of the book. Scotland should be the best place in the UK to learn a trade, upgrade a qualification or pivot mid-career.

Florence Eshalomi Portrait Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)
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I am a London MP, but I feel that I must step in for the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), who is not here. But my intervention does have a connection to the subject of the debate. It is about the vibrancy of Scottish universities. People from my constituency travel as far as Scotland to get a world-class education, and during a recent trade envoy visit to Nigeria, I spoke to Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office staff who had studied at Scottish universities. Does my hon. Friend agree that we must invest in education, as that is a good way to achieve economic regeneration and support?

Graeme Downie Portrait Graeme Downie
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I could not agree more. St Andrews University, which I mentioned at the beginning of my remarks, is the heart of education in Scotland, along with institutions in Edinburgh, Glasgow and elsewhere across the country. [Interruption.] I see that university arguments are breaking out already among Opposition Members—or is this a rare moment of agreement between the SNP and the Lib Dems? I should add, as someone who went to Stirling University, that we have many universities across the country that are able to contribute.

More employers should co-design curricula; colleges must be funded to deliver practical, modern teaching; and learners of all ages must be supported with opportunities, transport and clear progression routes. There is so much more that we can do to make it as easy for a care worker to earn a digital health certification as it is for a technician to gain offshore safety accreditation, or for a veteran to translate military skills into civilian qualifications.

I turn to the uncertainty that young people face in their future. Most people now approaching retirement have never seen world affairs so unstable, never dreamed of a land war in Europe, and never saw global power politics of the sort we have today, but that is the future that young people are navigating. A continuing series of once-in-a-generation crises affect this generation of young people. The war in Ukraine, which is fuelling rises in the cost of living, is one of the most long lasting they will see, in a world that has spent the resources that are needed to tackle the problem.

That gives me the opportunity to talk about my favourite topic: the contribution of the defence industry to Scotland. It will come as no surprise to anyone in the House that I am talking about this. Not only do young people have to face the security, technological and economic threat from Iran and China, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but they are the ones who will be asked to fight it—hopefully only in economic and social terms. Scotland’s defence footprint—in shipbuilding, aerospace, cyber and logistics—is both strategic and local. From the yards that turn steel into hulls and the bases that secure our airspace, to the small and medium-sized enterprises that supply components and services, defence sustains skilled employment, supports innovation and anchors communities. We should celebrate the engineers and fabricators, and the logisticians and technologists—world-class workers whose labours keep our nation safe and advance our industrial capability.

When it comes to energy, Scotland stands at the crossroads of legacy and leadership. The North sea still matters for investment, jobs, tax revenues and world-class expertise. At the same time, renewables are no longer a promise; they are a present reality. We have offshore wind, onshore wind, tidal, hydro, solar and emerging hydrogen technologies. The lesson of the first energy era is plain: if we export raw resource and import finished value, we risk missing wealth multipliers. In the second energy era, Scotland must build, service, innovate and train our workforce for the new jobs—good-quality, well-paid jobs—that follow.

Thanks to this Labour Government, our ports, fabrication yards and grid infrastructure are being upgraded, but the benefits will not be felt for years, and it is likely that costs will rise by far less than they otherwise would, rather than being reduced in absolute terms. As in the financial crisis, we are asking young people to thank us for avoiding a not-experienced counterfactual, rather than for real improvements.

Despite the challenges, I believe that Scotland stands on a solid foundation—we are outward-looking, innovative and compassionate—but to be future-focused, the promise of real and practical opportunity must be renewed for everyone: the nurse in Dunfermline, the apprentice in Dollar, the graduate in High Valleyfield, the veteran retraining in Rosyth, the parent seeking a second chance at college, and the care leaver negotiating their first tenancy. If St Andrew teaches us anything, it is that influence need not be loud to be profound. Tradition tells us that he was a bridge-builder, a bringer of people to a higher calling, and a man whose life spoke of hospitality, humility and service. In a divided age, Scotland could choose to lead by those virtues—welcoming, learning, working, serving—not as slogans, but as social habits. Scotland talks a great deal about those virtues, but we should remember that we face the same challenges in making them real as people in other parts of the United Kingdom and the rest of the world. We are not alone, nor are we exceptional. The rules apply to us as much as to others.

We must build a settlement in which older generations can contribute their wisdom, mentor apprentices and access retraining at any point without stigma, and in which younger generations find and build dignity through quality careers that help them to secure housing, develop skills and find stability and progression, so that they have the opportunity to build their life, and to hand the world on in a better state than it was in when it was given to them.

We can design skills pathways that reflect our national character by being practical, rigorous and humane. Imagine an ecosystem in which Carnegie’s legacy of free libraries becomes a digital learning commons, college workshops are connected to local firms, defence apprentices rotate into civilian advanced manufacturing, and energy sector traineeships are co-delivered by colleges, employers and unions. Credentials should be stackable and portable, so that a 19-year-old turbine technician can later specialise in grid management or hydrogen systems, or any other sector, without the need to start from scratch.

In celebrating St Andrew’s Day, we should always embrace our civic and cultural soul. Let me take the House back to St Margaret’s cave in Dunfermline, where Queen Margaret—whose saint’s day is on 16 November, just two weeks before St Andrew’s—came to pray over 900 years ago. It is a reminder that reflection and service are not opposites. Carnegie’s legacy tells us that public learning multiplies across generations. Our local institutions —schools, colleges and voluntary groups—prove that community is built by hands, hearts and habits. If we want Scotland as it could be, we must sustain the places where Scotland is: the library, the workshop, the youth organisations, the working man’s club, the community centre, the church hall, the café, the sporting venue and, yes, the pub, the bookies, the chippy and the bingo. The quiet networks of trust are the strongest parts of our infrastructure.

We must build a fairer society, with more opportunity, more dignity and more security for every young person starting out, and for every older person seeking to contribute anew. Scotland as it was gave us our foundations. Scotland as it is demands our fidelity. Scotland as it could be awaits our work.

--- Later in debate ---
Graeme Downie Portrait Graeme Downie
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I thank everyone from across the House for taking part in the debate. Having listened to the debate, I am reminded of a comment made by a colleague shortly after the general election in a similar debate in Westminster Hall, when he reflected on what it must be like for someone to walk into the room during a debate involving Scottish politicians. He referred to it as being like walking in at the end of a wedding when everyone has had far too much to drink, just as the first fight starts to break out. That is possibly a very helpful way to think about it. Indeed, as my hon. Friend the Member for Glenrothes and Mid Fife (Richard Baker) and the Minister said, it is unusual for football in Scotland to be a unifier and not a divider, as it so often is. I thank everyone else for taking part in the debate, the Minister for responding, the Opposition spokespeople and yourself, Madam Deputy Speaker— I hope you have enjoyed the entertainment on show this afternoon.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved,

That this House has considered St Andrew’s Day and Scottish affairs.