Social Housing Bill [Lords]

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

2nd reading
Thursday 10th September 2026 Commons Chamber

[Florence Eshalomi]

I thank my hon. Friend for raising that point. I think that will be one of the areas that we consider when my right hon. Friend the Housing Minister looks at shared ownership.

A number of right hon. and hon. Members mentioned domestic abuse and debt. It is really important to know that this is a key area for survivors of domestic abuse. The Government are committed to addressing this issue in their national plan to end homelessness. We believe that the best route for doing so is to ensure that the regulations are amended and the relevant legislation is looked at. My understanding is that the Housing Minister will look at that. I am due to meet the all-party parliamentary group on domestic violence and abuse, which was mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Poplar and Limehouse (Apsana Begum), and I would welcome other hon. Members attending that meeting.

A number of hon. Members mentioned council disposals. I recognise the strength of feeling in the House on this matter. I want to reassure hon. Members that we take the issue very seriously. We want local authorities and housing associations to, where possible, retain homes in the social housing sector. We believe the new disposals notification requirements in the Bill will help to maximise opportunities for social housing providers to retain homes. I repeat what my right hon. Friend the Housing Minister highlighted: housing associations remain independent organisations, responsible for their own asset management decisions. However, we will continue to explore what further steps we can take to stop social housing stock being sold.

Our right to buy reforms will mean a net gain of 18,000 social homes over the next 10 years, whereas there would be a loss of 26,000 homes if we retained the current system. The right to buy remains a crucial route into home ownership, but we must also confront the reality: social house building has struggled to keep pace with sales under the right to buy, and that has resulted in an increase in the number of families in costly temporary accommodation and expanded social housing waiting lists across the country. Our right to buy reforms, notably the new build exemption, will give councils the confidence to get building again.

We refute the accusation that we are doing nothing to ensure that social housing is being used effectively. The Government expect social housing landlords to maximise the use of existing homes, as well as to build more. We have launched a review of how effectively social housing providers use their properties. We will report on its findings later this year.

On the Opposition’s concerns about the allocation of social housing to non-UK nationals, the Government do not support restricting social housing solely to British citizens. Such an approach would be unworkable and would cut across legal obligations, including obligations relating to EU citizens with settled status and the Equality Act 2010. Eligibility for social housing is already tightly controlled by local councils. If a person’s immigration status does not allow them recourse to public funds, they are not eligible for social homes. The racist rhetoric and the demonising of people who want to work has to stop. The vast majority of those allocated social homes in the UK are UK nationals. That is a fact, so I hope that the Opposition will withdraw their amendment on the issue.

When the Prime Minister stood on the steps of No. 10, he put building more council homes at the heart of this Government’s agenda. For far too long successive Governments have failed to deliver the homes that we need up and down the country, while simultaneously failing to protect our housing stock. We know we can and must go further.

The Bill is about bringing an end to the era of failure on social housing; it is about protecting the homes that we have and supporting the building of the new homes we need; it is about ensuring that the system works fairly for those who need it the most; and it is about reducing the overreliance on temporary accommodation that is crippling so many councils, up and down the country. Collectively, London councils are spending £5.5 million a day on temporary accommodation. That is unsustainable.

We need to turbocharge social housing, up and down the country. Social housing is not just about a roof over people’s heads; it creates strong connected communities, enables families to live happily, enables healthy lives and provides long-term sustainable housing. The Government are making progress to reverse the decline of social housebuilding, as represented by the latest figures from Homes England showing a 65% increase in social rent completions.

Across the country, almost 180,000 children are growing up in temporary accommodation. As many hon. Members have mentioned, over 1.3 million people are on the housing waiting list. That has a devastating impact on the wellbeing of our children and families, who are facing poor conditions, lacking the space to grow. How can we expect those young children to contribute to society in later life when they do not have a safe place to call their home? The Bill brings an end to that failure.

The Bill provides the crucial step that many families want to see—the same step my family was given many years ago. It ensures that when families face homelessness and women are fleeing domestic abuse with their children, they are not the ones who are evicted—the perpetrator is. The Bill ensures that we restrict right-to-buy sales, and that 100% of the receipts go back to councils so that they can reinvest in their local areas.

The Bill will ensure that we turbocharge and bring a new lease of life to local council building across the country, working with our councils, providers, housing associations and private developers to get the housing right. It is important that we continue to progress the Bill. I commend it to the House.

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

Order. Before I put the question, I need to inform the House that in the event of a Division—I pass no comment on whether there will be one—some of the pass readers in both Lobbies are currently not in operation. I ask all Members to follow the directions of Doorkeepers and Division Clerks and use the working pass readers, which have notices on them. The Parliamentary Digital Service are working hard to restore the remaining pass readers for any Divisions tomorrow.

Question put, That the amendment be made.

Representation of the People Bill

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Report stage & 3rd reading
Wednesday 2nd September 2026 Commons Chamber

[The Minister for Homelessness, Democracy, Communities and Faith (Florence Eshalomi)]

I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Government new clause 76—Entering into of regulated transactions under Part 4A of PPERA 2000.

Government new clause 77—Procedure for regulations under PPERA 2000.

Government new clause 78—Sharing of information between Electoral Commission and others.

Government new clause 113—Termination of entitlement to be registered as overseas elector.

Government new clause 114—Powers to prescribe form and contents of campaign expenditure returns etc.

Government new clause 115—Meaning of “donation”.

Government new clause 116—Cap on donations etc by overseas contributors.

Government new clause 117—Power to extend certain restrictions to other types of donation and loan etc.

New clause 2—Commencement of Section 106 of the Equality Act 2010—

“The Secretary of State must, within three months of the day on which this Act is passed, lay an order under section 216 (commencement) of the Equality Act 2010 to commence section 106 (information about diversity in range of candidates, etc.) of that Act.”

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to commence section 106 of the Equality Act 2010 within three months, which would require political parties to publish information on the protected characteristics of candidates in parliamentary elections, elections to the Scottish Parliament and to the Senedd.

New clause 3—Electoral Commission: Publication of information about diversity in range of candidates—

“(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows.

(2) After section 13A (reimbursement of costs by Scottish Ministers etc.) insert—

‘13ZAA Collection and publication of information about diversity in range of candidates

(1) The Commission shall collect information published under section 106 (information about diversity in range of candidates, etc.) of the Equality Act 2010.

(2) The Commission shall publish the information collected under subsection (1) in an accessible form at such intervals as the Commissioners consider appropriate.’”

This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to collect and publish in an accessible form diversity information required to be provided by political parties under section 106 of the Equality Act 2010.

New clause 4—Report on proposals to support the extension of the franchise to 16- and 17- year-olds—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish a report on proposals to support the extension of the franchise to 16- and 17- year-olds under this Act.

(2) The report published under subsection (1) must include consideration of proposals to—

(a) promote awareness among relevant persons of the extension of the franchise; and

(b) make any necessary changes required to strengthen civic education in schools and educational settings available to relevant persons.

(3) For the purposes of this section, relevant persons are children and young people who—

(a) are enfranchised as a result of section (1) of this Act; or

(b) are entitled to be registered as a parliamentary or local government elector before reaching voting age as a result of section (3) of this Act.

(4) The Secretary of State must lay the report before both Houses of Parliament.”

This new clause requires the Government to report on proposals to support the extension of the franchise to 16 and 17 year olds, through promoting awareness or making changes required to strengthen civic education.

New clause 5—Electoral Commission: pre-investigation decision notices—

“(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2).

(2) In Schedule 19B, paragraph 3, sub-paragraph (5), at end insert ‘or;

(b) relevant to determining whether to start an investigation.’”

This new clause would enable the Electoral Commission to require information before launching a formal investigation.

New clause 6—Hostility towards relatives and staff of candidates etc.—

“(1) Part 5 of the Elections Act 2022 (disqualification of offenders for holding elective office etc.) is amended as follows.

(2) After section 32 (candidates etc.) insert—

‘32A Relatives and staff of candidates

(1) A person falls within this section if the person is—

(a) a relative; or

(b) a member of staff;

of a person described in section 32 (candidates etc.).

(2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a) “relative” has the meaning given by section 63(1) of the Family Law Act 1996.

(3) For the purposes of subsection (1)(b) “member of staff” means a person who is employed by or working under the direction of a person described in section 32 (candidates etc.).’”

This new clause would, with Amendment 1, add relatives and staff of candidates to the persons against which hostility may lead to a disqualification order and for the purposes of a statutory aggravating factor.

New clause 7—Duty of Electoral Commission to provide candidate safety guidance—

“(1) The Electoral Commission must, within 6 months of the passing of this Act, prepare and publish guidance on the safety and security of candidates and campaigners during election periods.

(2) The guidance must include information about—

(a) identifying, recording and reporting threats, abuse and intimidation;

(b) physical and online security measures; and

(c) the roles of the police, the Electoral Commission and any other relevant public authority in relation to candidate safety during an election period.

(3) The Electoral Commission must keep the guidance under review and revise it whenever it considers appropriate.

(4) A returning officer must provide each validly nominated candidate with a copy of, or an electronic link to, the guidance as soon as reasonably practicable after the candidate’s nomination is accepted.

(5) For the purposes of this section, ‘election periods’ means the period specified in section 90ZA (meaning of ‘election expense’ of the RPA 1983).”

This new clause places a duty on the Electoral Commission to publish and maintain candidate safety guidance, and requires returning officers to provide it to candidates as soon as possible after their nomination has been accepted.

New clause 9—Permissible donors not to include individuals serving a foreign administration—

“(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows.

(2) After subsection (2) insert—

‘(2A) An individual who would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(a) is not a permissible donor if that individual is, or has been—

(a) a member of, or

(b) a politically-appointed adviser to

a foreign administration.’

(3) After subsection (8) insert—

‘(9) In subsection (2A)—

“foreign administration” means the government or state apparatus of any country or territory outside the United Kingdom;

“member” includes elected and appointed members.’”

This new clause would ban those who are or have been members of a foreign administration, or advisers to a foreign administration, from donating money to a political party, think tank or campaigning body.

New clause 10—Permissible donors not to include persons who have promoted political violence—

“(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows.

(2) After subsection (3ZB) insert—

‘(3ZC) A person is not to be treated as a permissible donor in relation to a donation if the person has been convicted of a prescribed offence relating to the promotion, incitement, or use of political violence.

(3ZD) The Secretary of State must by regulations prescribe the offences which fall within subsection (3ZC).’”

New clause 11—Declaration of income or gifts from Foreign Governments—

“(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows.

(2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert—

‘Declaration of income or gifts from Foreign Governments

8A (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating whether they have received in the past or are currently in receipt of any income or gifts from—

(a) the government of any foreign nation, or

(b) any person or organisation connected to the government of any foreign nation.

(2) The declaration must be—

(a) in the prescribed form,

(b) signed by the person, and

(c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers.

(3) For the purposes of this rule, a person or organisation connected to the government of any foreign nation means anyone who has at any time been—

(a) a member of, or

(b) a politically-appointed adviser to a foreign administration.’

(3) In rule 6A (nomination papers: name of registered political party), at the end insert—

‘(4) A registered political party is under a duty to ensure that a candidate has made the declaration required by rule 8A, and a certificate under paragraph (1) or (1B) may not be issued by or on behalf of the registered nominating officer of the party in respect of a candidate unless this duty has been discharged.’”

This new clause would require candidates to declare any income or gifts from foreign nations or connected entities in order to be validly nominated. It also places a duty on political parties to ensure their candidates have made this declaration before authorising them to stand on behalf of the party.

New clause 12—Annual statements on foreign donation risks and independent investigations—

“(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows.

(2) After section 66 (declaration by treasurer in donation report) insert—

‘66A Annual statement on mitigation of foreign donation risks

(1) The treasurer of a registered party must, in respect of each calendar year, prepare a statement setting out the steps taken by the party to mitigate risks relating to donations originating from a foreign nation.

(2) The statement must be delivered to the Commission alongside the party's statement of accounts for that year.

66B Annual independent investigation of donations by foreign-owned UK entities

(1) A registered party must, in respect of each calendar year, arrange for an independent investigation to be conducted into any donations received by the party from a foreign-owned UK entity.

(2) A report of the independent investigation must be submitted to the Commission by the treasurer of the party within six months of the end of the calendar year to which it relates.

(3) The Secretary of State may by regulations make provision about—

(a) the appointment and qualifications of an independent investigator for the purposes of this section;

(b) the definition of a “foreign-owned UK entity”; and

(c) the required contents of the investigation report.

(4) Regulations under subsection (3) are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.’”

This new clause requires registered political parties to produce an annual statement detailing how they have mitigated risks relating to donations from foreign nations. It also requires parties to commission an annual independent investigation into donations they receive from foreign-owned UK entities, with the findings submitted to the Electoral Commission.

New clause 13—Information to be included with electronic material: generative artificial intelligence—

“(1) Section 41 of the Elections Act 2022 (requirement to include information with electronic material) is amended as follows.

(2) After subsection (3)(b) insert—

“(c) where the electronic material consists of or includes image, audio or video content that has been generated or materially altered by means of generative artificial intelligence, a statement that such artificial intelligence has been used.”

(2A) In this section, ‘generative artificial intelligence’ means a machine-based system that can, for a given set of human-defined prompts or objectives, generate new image, audio or video content.”

This new clause amends the digital imprint rules in the Elections Act 2022 to require that any political campaigning material which contains images, audio, or video generated or materially altered by AI must include a statement that such artificial intelligence has been used.

New clause 14—Repeal of voter identification requirements—

“(1) In the Elections Act 2022 omit section 1 (voter identification).

(2) In the Elections Act 2022 omit Schedule 1.

(3) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows.

(4) In rule 37 (voting procedure), omit paragraphs (1A) to (1G).”

This new clause repeals the provisions of the Elections Act 2022 that introduced the requirement for voters in Great Britain to produce photographic identification at polling stations. It is linked to Amendment 2.

New clause 15—Disclosure of past donations in cryptoassets—

“(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows.

(2) After section 66 (declaration by treasurer in donation report) insert—

‘66A Report on past donations involving cryptoassets

(1) The treasurer of a registered party must, within the period of six months beginning with the day on which this section comes into force, prepare a report under this section.

(2) The report must record the relevant details in relation to each donation received by the party during the relevant 5-year period which was—

(a) made wholly or in part with cryptoassets; or

(b) accepted by means of a custodian wallet provider or cryptoasset exchange provider.

(3) For the purposes of this section, the “relevant 5-year period” means the period of 5 years ending with the day on which this section comes into force.

(4) In this section, “the relevant details” in relation to a donation means—

(a) the name and address of the donor;

(b) the amount or value of the donation;

(c) the date on which the donation was received; and

(d) the date on which, and the way in which, any necessary steps were taken regarding the donation under section 56 (acceptance or return of donations: general).

(5) The report must be delivered to the Commission within the period of 14 days beginning with the end of the period mentioned in subsection (1).

(6) In this section—

“Cryptoassets” has the meaning given by Regulation 14A(3)(a) of the Money Laundering, Terrorist Financing and Transfer of Funds (Information on the Payer) Regulations 2017;

“Custodian wallet provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC(3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002;

“Cryptoasset exchange provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC(3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.’”

This new clause amends PPERA 2000 to require registered political parties to compile and submit a one-off report to the Electoral Commission detailing the source, value, and dates of any donations made via cryptoassets, or accepted via crypto wallets/exchanges, over the past five years.

New clause 16—Impact of the Act on trust in elections—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament a report into the impact of the Act's provisions on trust in elections.

(2) Any report made under subsection (1) must make proposals on any further measures required to increase trust in elections.

(3) For the purposes of this section, "trust in elections" includes public confidence in the fairness of elections, the voting systems used, and the representativeness of election results.

(4) In preparing the report, the Secretary of State must consult—

(a) the Electoral Commission;

(b) Scottish Ministers;

(c) Welsh Ministers;

(d) the relevant Northern Ireland department; and

(e) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate.”

New clause 18—Payments from foreign state broadcasters to politicians and candidates—

“(1) Schedule 7 to PPERA 2000 (control of donations to individuals and members associations) is amended as set out in subsection (2).

(2) After paragraph 6 insert—

‘Prohibition on payments from foreign state broadcasters

(1) A regulated donee must not accept any payment, remuneration or other financial benefit, whether or not on commercial terms, from a prescribed foreign state broadcaster.

(2) The Secretary of State may by regulations prescribe a foreign state broadcaster for the purposes of this paragraph where the Secretary of State considers the broadcaster is acting on behalf of, or producing propaganda for, a foreign power.

(3) For the purposes of this paragraph, a payment or benefit includes, but is not limited to, remuneration for appearing on, hosting, or contributing to broadcasts or programmes.’

(3) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as set out in subsection (4).

(4) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert—

‘Declaration of past earnings from foreign state broadcasters

(1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating whether they have received any past or current earnings, payments or benefits from a foreign state broadcaster prescribed under paragraph 6A of Schedule 7 to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.

(2) The declaration must be—

(a) in the prescribed form,

(b) signed by the person, and

(c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers.’”

This new clause prohibits politicians (regulated donors) from receiving any payment from prescribed foreign state broadcasters. It also amends the parliamentary election rules to require candidates (including incumbent MPs) to formally declare any past earnings from these entities in order to be validly nominated to stand for election.

New clause 19—Overseas electors: Review of feasibility of proposals for facilitating overseas ballots—

“(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Secretary of State must publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament a report on proposals for facilitating overseas electors to vote in parliamentary elections.

(2) The report must consider the feasibility of proposals for—

(a) the use of United Kingdom Embassies, High Commissions or consulates as if they were a polling station as set out in Schedule 1 of RPA1983;

(b) the digital transmission and printing of ballot papers;

(c) voting by telephone;

(d) secure electronic voting;

(e) changes to deadlines and practices as set out in Schedule 1 of RPA1983 to enable earlier despatch of ballots for overseas voters;

(f) informing overseas voters on early registration and voting options;

(g) extended proxy voting arrangements for overseas voters; and

(h) any other measures to improve the speed, accuracy and security of voting by overseas electors as the Secretary of State believes appropriate.

(3) In preparing the report, the Secretary of State must consult—

(a) overseas electors;

(b) electoral administrators;

(c) His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service; and

(d) such other persons as the Secretary of State believe appropriate.

(4) For the purpose of this section, an ‘overseas elector’ is a person who fulfils the requirements for an overseas elector in section 1 (extension of parliamentary franchise) of the RPA 1985.”

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to conduct feasibility studies on proposals to improve overseas voting, as recommended by the Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Select Committee’s Second Report of Session 2024-6, Review of the 2024 general election.

New clause 20—Extension of right to vote etc. to certain foreign nationals—

“(1) The RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsections (2) and (3).

(2) In section 1 (parliamentary electors), in subsection (1)(c), after ‘Ireland,’ insert ‘a qualifying EU citizen, or a qualifying foreign national’.

(3) In section 2 (local government electors)—

(a) in subsection (1)(c) leave out “(in Wales)”

(b) in subsection (1)(c)(i), after ‘rights’ insert ‘or a qualifying foreign citizen;’.”

This new clause would extend the franchise in parliamentary elections to include qualifying EU citizens and to foreign nationals with a right to enter or remain in the UK, and to extend the local government franchise in England to foreign citizens with a right to enter or remain in the UK.

New clause 21—Cap on political donations—

“(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows.

(2) After section 54B (declaration as to whether residence etc condition satisfied) insert—

‘54C Power to set cap on political donations

(1) A registered party must not accept a donation from a person if the value of donations from that person during the course of that calendar year exceeds the maximum amount specified by regulations made under subsection (3).

(2) Where a registered party receives a donation which would cause the limit for the purposes of subsection (1) to be exceeded, the amount by which the limit is exceeded is to be treated for the purposes of this Act as a donation received from a person who is not a permissible donor.

(3) The Secretary of State must by regulations specify the donation limit for the purposes of subsection (1) within three months of the day on which this Act is passed.

(4) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.

(5) Before laying a draft statutory instrument containing regulations under this section, the Secretary of State must commission an independent review of the level of the cap on political donations.

(6) The review must consider and make recommendations on the level of the cap in light of—

(a) the prevailing economic conditions;

(b) the effect of the cap on democratic participation and political competition; and

(c) any other matters the Secretary of State considers relevant.

(7) The Secretary of State must appoint an independent person or panel with relevant experience to conduct the review.

(8) The person or panel appointed under subsection (7) must—

(a) consult the Electoral Commission and any other persons the person or panel considers relevant; and

(b) prepare and publish a report of its findings.

(9) The Secretary of State must lay the report under subsection (8)(b) before both Houses of Parliament as soon as practicable after receiving it.

(10) No later than three years after a report under subsection (9) has been laid the Secretary of State must commission a new review under subsection (5) for the purposes of determining whether the cap under subsection (1) should be amended.’”

This new clause requires the Secretary of State to set an annual cap on permissible political donations from a person, following an independent review to be conducted every three years.

New clause 22—Permissible donors not to include oil and gas companies—

“(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows.

(2) In subsection (2)(b) after ‘Kingdom’ insert ‘, subject to the exemption in subsection (2A).’

(3) After subsection (2) insert—

‘(2A) A company is not a permissible donor if it is an oil and gas company.’

(4) After subsection (8) insert—

‘(9) For the purposes of this section, “an oil and gas company” means any company which derives over 50% of its annual revenue from the extraction, acquisition, transportation, processing, supply or disposal of petroleum or natural gas, or a combination of the two.’”

This new clause provides that an oil and gas company would not be a permissible donor for the purposes of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.

New clause 23—Prohibition on remuneration for social media activity—

“(1) Schedule 7 to PPERA 2000 (control of donations to individuals and members associations) is amended as set out in subsection (2).

(2) After paragraph 6 insert—

‘Prohibition on payments for social media activity

6C (1) A regulated donee must not accept any payment, remuneration or other financial benefit, whether or not on commercial terms, from any person or organisation in connection with activity on a social media platform.

(2) For the purposes of this section—

(a) a payment or benefit includes, but is not limited to, remuneration for publishing, promoting or interacting with content on a social media platform,

(b) a social media platform means an electronic medium or service through which users may create, share, or view user-generated content, including, without limitation, videos, photographs, blogs, podcasts, messages, emails, or website profiles or locations.’

(3) Schedule 2A to RPA 1983 (control of donations to candidates) is amended as set out in subsection (4).

(4) After paragraph 6 insert—

‘Prohibition on payments for social media activity

6A (1) A candidate or their election agent must not accept any payment, remuneration or other financial benefit, whether or not on commercial terms, from any person or organisation in connection with activity on a social media platform.

(2) For the purposes of this section—

(a) a payment or benefit includes, but is not limited to, remuneration for publishing, promoting or interacting with content on a social media platform,

(b) a social media platform means an electronic medium or service through which users may create, share, or view user-generated content, including, without limitation, videos, photographs, blogs, podcasts, messages, emails, or website profiles or locations.’”

This new clause prohibits members of registered parties, members associations, holders of relevant elective offices and electoral candidates from receiving any payment, remuneration, or financial benefit in exchange for posting, promoting, or interacting with content on social media.

New clause 24—Declaration of income or gifts from the Russian Federation—

“(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows.

(2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert—

‘Declaration of income or gifts from the Russian Federation

8A (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating whether they have received in the past or are currently in receipt of any income or gifts from—

(a) the government of the Russian Federation, or

(b) any person or organisation connected to the government of the Russian Federation.

(2) The declaration must be—

(a) in the prescribed form,

(b) signed by the person, and

(c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers.

(3) For the purposes of this rule, a person or organisation connected to the government of the Russian Federation means anyone who has at any time been—

(a) a member of, or

(b) a politically-appointed adviser to the government of the Russian Federation.”

(3) In rule 6A (nomination papers: name of registered political party), at the end insert—

“(4) A registered political party is under a duty to ensure that a candidate has made the declaration required by rule 8A, and a certificate under paragraph (1) or (1B) may not be issued by or on behalf of the registered nominating officer of the party in respect of a candidate unless this duty has been discharged.’”

This new clause would require candidates to declare past or current income or gifts from the government of the Russian Federation or from any person or organisation connected to that government. It also places a duty on political parties to ensure that their candidates have made this declaration.

New clause 25—Permissible donors not to include property development and construction undertakings—

“(1) Notwithstanding the provisions of PPERA 2000 and any other enactment, a person is not a permissible donor to a registered party, recognised third party, regulated donee or permitted participant if they meet the conditions in subsections (2).

(2) The conditions in this subsection are that the person is a property development or construction undertaking as defined under subsections (3) and (4).

(3) For the purposes of subsection (2), a person is a “property development or construction undertaking” if they are a body corporate, partnership, limited liability partnership, or unincorporated association, of such an undertaking which carries out, whether wholly or substantially, activities consisting of—

(a) the acquisition, disposal, or development of land for commercial or residential purposes,

(b) property speculation,

(c) the construction, renovation, or substantial alteration of buildings or infrastructure, or

(d) the provision of construction services as a principal contractor,

and whose principal business activities fall within such Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) codes as may be prescribed by regulations made by the Secretary of State.

(4) Further to subsection (3), a ‘property development or construction undertaking’ includes—

(a) any person who is acting on behalf of a property development or construction undertaking,

(b) any person who is funded either directly or indirectly by a property development or construction undertaking, and

(c) any subsidiaries or holding companies of a property development or construction undertaking.

(5) The Electoral Commission may issue guidance for the purposes of determining whether an undertaking is a property development or construction undertaking.”

This new clause would mean that a property developer or construction undertaking would not be a permissible donor to a registered party, recognised third party, regulated donee or permitted participant.

New clause 26—Restrictions on permitted donors: public contracts—

“(1) Section 54 of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows.

(2) After subsection (2) insert—

‘(2A) An individual who would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(a) is not a permissible donor if that individual—

(a) has significant control of a company which has been awarded a public contract within the previous ten years, or

(b) has significant control of a company which is a parent undertaking or subsidiary undertaking of a company falling within paragraph (a).

(2B) A company which would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(b) is not a permissible donor if that company—

(a) has been awarded a public contract within the previous ten years, or

(b) is a parent undertaking or subsidiary undertaking of a company falling within paragraph (a).’

(3) After subsection (8) insert—

‘(9) In this section—

“public contract” has the meaning given by section 3 (public contracts) of the Procurement Act 2023;

“significant control” has the meaning given by section 790C (key terms) of the Companies Act 2006;

“parent undertaking” and “subsidiary undertaking” have the meanings given by section 1162 (parent and subsidiary undertakings) of the Companies Act 2006.’”

This amendment would prevent individuals and companies connected to public contracts within the previous ten years from being treated as permissible donors under the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.

New clause 27—Report on interference in UK elections originating from the United States of America—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish a report on the extent of electoral interference originating from the United States of America and its impact on the integrity of elections in the United Kingdom.

(2) The report published under subsection (1) must review the extent of the following activities and their impact on voters—

(a) United States-based social media companies amplifying electoral campaign material via algorithms; and

(b) donations made to registered political parties, think-tanks, lobbying firms and other regulated donees in the United Kingdom originating from—

(i) the United States Government,

(ii) United States-based companies, and

(iii) business leaders with United States citizenship.

(3) The report must also set out information about the nature of any campaigns receiving donations from those set out in subsection (2), including—

(a) the stated aims attached to any donations made; and

(b) any agreements between donees and organisations in receipt of such donations.

(4) The report published under subsection (1) must include any recommendations considered necessary to protect the integrity of United Kingdom elections.

(5) For the purposes of this section, ‘the integrity of United Kingdom elections’ means the extent to which elections are considered to be free and fair, and have public confidence in their outcomes.”

This new clause requires the Government to publish a report on electoral interference originating from the USA and its impact on the integrity of elections in the United Kingdom, focusing on the extent of algorithmic amplification of campaign material by US-based social media companies and of donations from US-based companies and business leaders.

New clause 28—Prohibition of controlled expenditure and expenses by non-permissible donors—

“(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsections (2) to (4).

(2) In Section 89A (restriction on which third parties may incur controlled expenditure) leave out subsection (2).

(3) In Section 89B (restriction on which third parties may incur controlled expenditure: Senedd Cymru elections) leave out subsection (2).

(4) In Section 89B (restriction on which third parties may incur controlled expenditure: Scottish Parliament elections) leave out subsection (2).

(5) In Section 75 of RPA 1983 (prohibition of expenses not authorised by election agent) leave out—

(a) subsection 1ZZB(a);

(b) subsection 1ZA.

(6) In Section 41 of the Elections Act 2022 (requirement to include information with electronic material) after subsection (3)(b) insert—

‘(c) a statement declaring the original source of the funding used to pay for the promotion or publication of the material.’”

This new clause prevents controlled expenditure and expenses by non-permissible donors, including foreign-funded advertising, by reducing the existing £700 spending limit for such donors to nil. It also requires that campaign material includes a statement declaring the origin of its funding.

New clause 29—Prohibition of political advertising by non-permissible donors—

“(1) A person or organisation that is not a permissible donor must not incur any expenditure on political advertising, whether or not related to a relevant election.

(2) For the purposes of this section—

‘political advertising’ means any materials or activities with a view to promoting a political party, candidate or campaign;

‘relevant election’ has the same meaning as in Part II of PPERA.

(3) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the passing of this Act, by regulations amend, repeal or revoke any enactment, including this Act and other electoral legislation, where the Secretary of State considers it necessary for the purposes of subsection (1).

(4) Before making regulations under this section, the Secretary of State must consult—

(a) the Electoral Commission; and

(b) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate.

(5) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.”

This new clause would prevent non-permissible donors from funding political advertising, whether or not related to a relevant election, and provide the Secretary of State with regulation making powers to enable this prohibition to be enforced.

New clause 30—Review of how limits on campaign expenditure could apply on annual basis—

“(1) The Electoral Commission must conduct a review of how campaign expenditure limits could apply on an annual basis for political parties, candidates and third parties.

(2) The review must consider how annual campaign expenditure limits could—

(a) promote transparency and fairness in elections;

(b) limit the risk of foreign interference in elections; and

(c) be implemented in a proportionate manner without undue impact on political parties, candidates and third parties.

(3) In conducting the review, the Electoral Commission must consult the Speaker’s Committee on the Electoral Commission and the Ethics and Integrity Commission.

(4) The Electoral Commission must publish a report of its findings no later than 6 months after the day on which this Act is passed.

(5) The Secretary of State must, within 6 months of the publication of the report, lay before both Houses of Parliament, a response to the report.

(6) The response to the report must contain proposals informed by the Electoral Commission’s report.”

This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to conduct a review of how campaign expenditure limits could apply on an annual basis for political parties, candidates and third parties, and for the Government to respond to the report and bring forward proposals based on the Electoral Commission’s findings.

New clause 32—Parliamentary elections: Requirement to obtain an enhanced disclosure and barring service check—

“(1) Schedule 1 of RPA 1983 is amended as follows.

(2) After rule 6 (nomination of candidates) insert—

‘(6AA)(1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person has—

(a) undertaken an enhanced DBS check; and

(b) obtained an enhanced DBS certificate.

(2) The Secretary of State may make regulations which make necessary provision for the designation of one or more organisation from which the DBS check under paragraph 1 must be requested.

(3) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament draft regulations under paragraph 2 before the end of the period of 90 days beginning with the day on which the Representation of the People Act 2026 is passed.

(4) For the purposes of this rule—

“enhanced DBS check” means an enhanced check with the Disclosure and Barring Service for the purposes of Part V of the Police Act 1997;

“enhanced DBS certificate” means a certificate issued by the Disclosure and Barring Service following an enhanced DBS check.’”

This new clause would require candidates in a parliamentary election to undertake an enhanced DBS check and obtain the resulting certificate before they can be validly nominated as a candidate.

New clause 33—Local government elections (England and Wales): Requirement to obtain an enhanced disclosure and barring service check—

“(1) The Local Elections (Principal Areas) (England and Wales) Rules 2006 are amended as follows.

(2) After rule 4 (nomination of candidates) insert—

‘(4A)(1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person has—

(a) undertaken an enhanced DBS check; and

(b) obtained an enhanced DBS certificate.

(2) The Secretary of State may make regulations which make necessary provision for the designation of an organisation from which the DBS check under paragraph 1 must be requested.

(3) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament draft regulations under paragraph 2 before the end of the period of 90 days beginning with the day on which the Representation of the People Act 2026 is passed.

(4) For the purposes of this rule—

“enhanced DBS check” means an enhanced check with the Disclosure and Barring Service for the purposes of Part V of the Police Act 1997;

“enhanced DBS certificate” means a certificate issued by the Disclosure and Barring Service following an enhanced DBS check.’”

This new clause would require candidates in a local government election in England and Wales to undertake an enhanced DBS check and obtain the resulting certificate before they can be validly nominated as a candidate.

New clause 34—Prohibition on accepting donations in cryptoassets to political parties and candidates—

“(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2).

(2) In section 55 (payments etc. which are (or are not) to be treated as donations by permissible donors), at end insert—

‘(7) Any donation received by a registered party or regulated donee which is—

(a) made wholly or in part with cryptoassets; or

(b) made from the proceeds generated by crypto-assets such as digital tokens and memecoins; or

(c) accepted by means of a custodian wallet provider or cryptoasset exchange provider, shall be regarded as a donation received by the party from a person who is not a permissible donor.

(8) Within three months of the coming into force of this section, the Electoral Commission must publish guidance in relation to the matters in subsection (7).

(9) In this section—

“Cryptoassets” has the meaning given by Regulation 14A(3)(a) of the Money Laundering, Terrorist Financing and Transfer of Funds (Information on the Payer) Regulations 2017;

“Custodian wallet provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002;

“Cryptoasset exchange provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.’

(3) RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsection (4).

(4) In Schedule 2A, Section 6 (prohibition on accepting donations from impermissible donors), after subparagraph (3), insert—

‘(3A) Any relevant donation received by a candidate or their election agent which is—

(a) made wholly or in part with cryptoassets,

(b) made from the proceeds generated by crypto-assets such as digital tokens and memecoins, or

(c) accepted by means of a custodian wallet provider or cryptoasset exchange provider,

shall be regarded as a donation received by a candidate or their election agent who is not a permissible donor.

(3B) Within three months of the coming into force of this section, the Commission must publish guidance in relation to the matters in subsection (3A).

(3C) In this section—

“Cryptoassets” has the meaning given by Regulation 14A(3)(a) of the Money Laundering, Terrorist Financing and Transfer of Funds (Information on the Payer) Regulations 2017;

“Custodian wallet provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002;

“Cryptoasset exchange provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.’”

The purpose of this new clause is to prevent parties, regulated donees (including third party campaigners) and candidates from accepting donations in cryptoassets or from the proceeds of cryptoassets, to reduce the risks of anonymous and impermissible donations.

New clause 35—Enfranchisement of certain foreign nationals at parliamentary elections—

“(1) Section 1 (entitlement to vote in parliamentary elections) of the Representation of the People Act 1983 is amended as follows.

(2) In subsection (1)(c), after “Ireland” insert “or a foreign national who for the purposes of the Immigration Act 1971 has—

(i) the right of abode in the United Kingdom;

(ii) settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme;

(iii) indefinite leave to enter the United Kingdom; or

(iv) indefinite leave to remain in the United Kingdom.””

This new clause expands the right to vote in General Elections to residents of the UK who have the right to abode in the UK or leave to enter or remain for an indefinite period.

New clause 36—Enfranchisement of certain foreign nationals at local government elections in England—

“(1) Section 2 (entitlement to vote in local elections) of the Representation of the People Act 1983 is amended as follows.

(2) In subsection (1)(c) leave out “(in Wales)”.

(3) In subsection (1)(c)(i), after “rights” insert “or a qualifying foreign citizen;”.”

This new clause expands the right to vote in local government elections in England to extend to foreign citizens with a right to enter or remain in the UK.

New clause 37—Access to Elected Office Fund (England)—

“(1) RPA 1983 is amended as follows.

(2) After Section 90D insert—

“90E Access to Elected Office Fund (England)

(1) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, require the Electoral Commission to establish and maintain a fund to be known as the Access to Elected Office Fund (England) (“the Fund”).

(2) The purpose of the Fund is to provide financial assistance to disabled candidates standing for election in England, including providing assistance to meet any additional campaign costs incurred by the candidate as a result of their disability, and the Electoral Commission or a person designated under subsection (4)(a) must administer the Fund consistently with that purpose.

(3) The Secretary of State may from time to time make payments into the Fund of such amounts as they may determine.

(4) Regulations under this section may—

(a) designate a different person, other than the Electoral Commission, to establish and maintain the Fund;

(b) specify criteria for eligibility for financial assistance;

(c) set out the types of expenditure for which financial assistance may be provided;

(d) specify the value of financial assistance available to an individual candidate; and

(e) establish rules and procedures that the Electoral Commission or a person designated under subsection (4)(a) must comply with when administering the Fund.

(5) Before making any regulations under subsection (1) the Secretary of State must consult—

(a) disabled people;

(b) political parties;

(c) relevant charities and civil society organisations; and

(d) the Equality and Human Rights Commission.

(6) For the purposes of this section, “disability” has the meaning given under section (6) (disability) of the Equality Act 2010.

(7) Any regulations made under this section must not be made unless a draft has been laid before and approved by resolution of each House of Parliament.””

New clause 38—Enfranchisement of foreign nationals at local elections in Northern Ireland—

“(1) Section 2 (local elections electors) of the RPA 1983 is amended as follows.

(2) In subsection (1)(c), at end insert—

“(iii) in relation to a local government election in Northern Ireland, a relevant citizen of the Union or a qualifying foreign citizen;””

This new clause would give all residents in Northern Ireland with leave to enter or stay in the UK the right to vote in local and Assembly elections in Northern Ireland.

New clause 39—Prohibition on campaigning or obstructing electors outside polling places—

“(1) A person who interferes or obstructs or impedes a person going to or coming from a polling station commits an offence.

(2) During the period commencing 30 minutes before the time appointed for the taking of a poll at an election, and ending 30 minutes after the close of the said poll, a person shall not, in or in the curtilage of a polling station or in any place within 50 metres of such station, for the purpose of promoting the interest of a political party or furthering the candidature of a candidate or candidates or soliciting votes for a candidate or candidates or for any contrary purpose, do any or all of the following—

(a) loiter or congregate with other persons;

(b) attempt to induce, by any means whatsoever, an elector to vote for a candidate or candidates or vote in a particular way or refrain from voting;

(c) display or distribute any notice, sign or poster (other than a notice, sign or poster displayed by the returning officer) or card, circular or other document relating to the election; or

(d) use or cause to be used any loud-speaker or other public address mechanism to broadcast matter relating to the election.

(3) For the purpose of this section, a polling station shall be deemed to include all parts of the building and any land within the curtilage of the building in which the polling station is situated and the distance referred to in subsection (2) shall be measured from any entrance to the polling station or to the curtilage thereof.

(4) A person who contravenes subsection (2) commits an offence.

(5) A person who commits an offence under this section is liable on summary conviction—

(a) in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine or to both;

(b) in Scotland or Northern Ireland, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale or to both.”

This new clause would prevent people from campaigning, interfering, obstructing or impeding electors going to or coming from a polling station.

New clause 40—Voting eligibility of convicted persons in detention—

“In section 3 of RPA 1983, (disfranchisement of offenders in prison etc.)—

(a) for subsection (1), substitute—

“(1) A convicted person, during the time that they are detained in a penal institution in pursuance of a sentence imposed for a term exceeding four years or unlawfully at large when they would otherwise be so detained, is legally incapable of voting at any parliamentary or local government election.”;

(b) omit subsection (1A); and

(c) in subsection 1B, for “1A” substitute “1”.”

The new clause seeks to extend the franchise at UK Parliamentary and local government elections to include those serving a custodial sentence not exceeding four years and who would ordinarily be eligible.

New clause 41—Guidance on the law relating to digital communication offences in relation to elections—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament guidance on certain digital communication offences, including offences involving digital manipulation and artificially generated content in relation to candidates and elected officials.

(2) Any guidance issued under subsection (1) must include guidance on the following—

(a) the operation of section 106 (false statements as to candidates) of the RPA 1983 in relation to digital communications;

(b) the operation of section 114A (undue influence) of the RPA 1983 in relation to digital communications;

(c) the interaction between the operations of sections 106 and 114A of the RPA 1983 and the duty of providers under the Online Safety Act 2023, including in relation to priority offences during election periods.

(3) Within 12 months of the publication of guidance under subsection (1) and annually thereafter, the Secretary of State must publish and lay before Parliament either—

(a) a statement that no updates to the guidance are required, or

(b) an updated version of the guidance.

(4) Before issuing—

(a) any guidance under subsection (1) or subsection (3)(b), or

(b) a statement under subsection (3)(a),

the Secretary of State must consult OFCOM and such other persons as they think necessary.

(5) For the purposes of this section “priority offences” means an offence listed in Schedule 7 (Priority offences) of the Online Safety Act 2023.”

This new clause would require the Government to publish guidance on the operation of certain offences relating to digital communications as they relate to candidates and elected officials.

New clause 42—Report on electoral online harms—

“(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Electoral Commission must publish a report on the prevention of electoral online harms.

(2) For the purposes of this section, “electoral online harms” includes—

(a) abuse and harassment of or threats directed towards elected representatives, candidates, party campaigners and election officials, or

(b) incitement or violence against any such individuals, but does not include mockery or insult, save where it forms part of a campaign of harassment.

(3) Any report published under subsection (1) must contain—

(a) an assessment of the risks of electoral online harms, and

(b) proposals to put in place systems to mitigate those risks including through amendment of the Online Safety Act 2023.

(4) Before publishing its report under subsection (1) the Electoral Commission must consult—

(a) OFCOM, and

(b) the National Police Chiefs Council.”

This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to publish a report containing an assessment of the risks of online electoral harms, and proposals to put in place systems to mitigate those risks.

New clause 43—Repository of digital political advertising—

“(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out in subsection (2).

(2) After section 61 insert—

“Part 6A Repository of digital political advertising

61A Establishing a repository of digital political advertising

(1) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, make provision to require the Electoral Commission to establish a repository of paid-for digital political advertising.

(2) Any regulations made under subsection (1) must—

(a) provide for the repository of political advertising to be publicly accessible;

(b) specify that a provider of a Category 1 service within the meaning of the Online Safety Act 2023 must ensure that prescribed information relating to such advertising is submitted to the repository as soon as reasonably practicable, and, in any event, within 72 hours;

(c) set out the types of information to be prescribed; and

(d) provide for material in the repository to be transferred to the National Archives for preservation after a certain period.

(3) Before making any regulations that make provision for the matters under subsection 2(c), the Secretary of State must consult—

(a) the Electoral Commission;

(b) the Information Commissioner’s Office; and

(c) OFCOM.

(4) Any regulations made under subsection (1) must be laid before and agreed by both Houses of Parliament.””

This new clause requires the Secretary of State to bring forward regulations to require the Electoral Commission to establish a publicly available repository of political advertising.

New clause 44—Electoral Commission: powers to obtain information outside of a formal investigation—

“(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as follows.

(2) After Schedule 12, insert—

“SCHEDULE 13: Electoral Commission powers to obtain information outside of a formal investigation

(1) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, make provision to allow the Electoral Commission to issue a notice requiring certain information from a regulated user-to-user service or search service, at any time during any regulated election period.

(2) Any regulations made under paragraph (1) must specify that a person to whom a notice is given under this paragraph must comply with it within such reasonable time as is specified in the notice.

(3) Any regulations made under paragraph (1) must specify the information which may be requested by the Electoral Commission, and include the following where they relate to elections—

(a) information relating to paid-for political advertising;

(b) algorithmic systems;

(c) coordinated inauthentic behaviour; and

(d) automated or bot accounts (whether domestic or foreign).

(4) Any regulations made under paragraph (2) must also provide for any safeguards considered necessary by the Secretary of State as regards data protection or commercial confidentiality.

(5) Any regulations made under paragraph (1) must be laid before and agreed by both Houses of Parliament.

(6) For the purposes of this Schedule, “user-to-user service” has the meaning given by section 3 (“user-to-user service” and “search service”) of the Online Safety Act 2023.””

New clause 45—Critical election incident protocol—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within twelve months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament, a Critical Election Incident Protocol (“the Protocol”) for the purpose of responding to incidents that present a significant risk to the integrity, security or public confidence of elections.

(2) For the purposes of this section, a “Critical Election Incident” means any event, threat or activity that poses a substantial risk to—

(a) the integrity, security or administration of an election;

(b) the ability of the public to freely participate in the electoral process;

(c) or public confidence in the fairness or legitimacy of an election.

(3) Before publishing the Protocol, the Secretary of State must consult the following on its contents—

(a) relevant civil society organisations,

(b) relevant experts, and

(c) relevant regulators.

(4) Any Protocol published under subsection (1) must include—

(a) the establishment of an oversight body comprised of such senior ministers and officials as the Secretary of State considers appropriate;

(b) the establishment of an advisory body of civil society and experts with relevant expertise as the Secretary of State considers appropriate;

(c) criteria by which Critical Election Incidents are identified and the Protocol is triggered;

(d) categories of severity of Critical Election Incidents based on their severity; and

(e) details of differentiated responses to Critical Election Incidents for each of the categories identified under subsection (d) which would be necessary and proportionate.

(5) Any Protocol published under subsection (1) must be compatible with the United Kingdom’s human rights obligations including but not limited to the right to freedom of expression under article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

(6) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament a report on the operation of the Protocol—

(a) one year after the publication of the Protocol under subsection (1) and annually thereafter; and

(b) within three months of any occasion on which the Protocol has been used.

(7) Any report published under subsection (6) must include—

(a) a description of activities undertaken under the Protocol, subject to any necessary limitations relating to national security or ongoing investigations;

(b) information about consultation with the established oversight and advisory bodies;

(c) an assessment of the impact of the Protocol on human rights and democratic participation.

(8) Any report produced under subsection (6) must be sent to the Housing and Local Government Committee of the House of Commons.

(9) In this section, references to Housing and Local Government Committee shall—

(a) if the name of that Committee is changed, be taken (subject to paragraph (b)) to be references to the Committee by its new name;

(b) if the functions of that Committee at the passing of this Act with respect to matters relating to Protocol become functions of a different committee of the House of Commons, be taken to be references to the committee by whom the functions for the time being exercisable.”

New clause 46—Government review of the “regulated periods” in relation to elections—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, commission a review of the adequacy of the current regulated periods for elections and referendums.

(2) The review must consider the following—

(a) the impact of campaign activity outside the relevant regulated period on elections;

(b) whether the length of the regulated periods are sufficient to tackle the prevalence of—

(i) manipulated content,

(ii) misinformation,

(iii) disinformation,

and their potential influence on elections.

(3) The review may make any recommendations it feels necessary for legislative or regulatory reform as a result of its findings.

(4) For the purposes of this section, “campaign activity” includes—

(a) digital campaigning;

(b) targeted advertising; and

(c) automated content distribution.

(5) For the purposes of this section “regulated period” means any period regulated under the Representation of the People Act 1983.

(6) The Secretary of State must lay a report of the review before both Houses of Parliament, together with their response to any recommendations for legislative or regulatory reform.”

This new clause requires the government to establish a review of the “regulated periods” in relation to elections which would consider whether the length of the regulated periods are sufficient in relation to the prevalence of manipulated content, misinformation and disinformation.

New clause 47—Information to be included with electronic material: data provenance—

“After Section 41 (requirement to include information with electronic material) of the Elections Act 2022 insert—

“Requirement to include information with electronic material created through generative artificial intelligence

(1) This section applies to electronic material which—

(a) meets the conditions in section 42 (paid for electronic material), or

(b) meets the conditions in section 44 (other electronic material), and has been generated wholly through generative artificial intelligence.

(2) Electronic material to which this section applies must not be published unless it includes the following information—

(a) a statement that content was wholly generated by a generative artificial intelligence system;

(b) the name of the system used to generate the content.

(3) The Secretary of State may, by regulations, specify—

(a) additional requirements for information to be required under subsection (2);

(b) the form in which the information required under subsection (2) is to be provided.

(4) The form prescribed by regulations under subsection (3)(b) must be a form which can be detected and processed by regulated user-to-user services for the purpose of providing the required information to users of such services.

(5) Any regulations made under subsection (3) must be laid before and agreed by both Houses of Parliament.

(6) For the purposes of this section, “generative artificial intelligence” means a computer system or software that—

(a) is capable of producing text, images, audio, video, or other content autonomously, wholly or substantially, based on prompts or instructions provided by a user;

(b) uses machine learning or other algorithmic techniques to generate content that mimics human-created material; and

(c) may produce content that is not pre-existing but is synthesized based on patterns learned from existing data.””

This new clause requires campaign material which has been generated by generative artificial intelligence to include a statement to that effect along with the name of the system used. It creates a power for the Government to make regulations about the information to be included.

New clause 48—Blind and partially sighted voters: equipment and secret voting—

“(1) Rule 29 (equipment of polling stations) of Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows.

(2) In paragraph (3)(a), at end insert—

“independently and in secret”.

(3) For paragraph (3A) substitute—

“(3A) The returning officer shall also provide each polling station with such equipment as is necessary to ensure that relevant persons are able to vote independently and in secret, including—

(a) tactile equipment that enables the voter to navigate the ballot paper and accurately mark their chosen candidate without assistance; and

(b) audio equipment that enables the voter to access and review the content of the ballot paper in the language in which it is printed without assistance.”

(4) After paragraph (3A) insert—

“(3AA) For the purposes of paragraph (3A)(b), a person is able to vote independently and in secret only if they are not required to rely on the assistance of the presiding officer, companion, or any other person to navigate, review and mark the ballot paper.””

This new clause would require certain equipment to be provided to people who find it difficult or impossible to vote because they are blind, partially sighted, or because of another disability in order for them to be able to vote independently and in secret.

New clause 49—Electoral Advertising Code of Practice—

“(1) The Electoral Commission must prepare and publish an Electoral Advertising Code of Practice (“the Advertising Code”).

(2) The Advertising Code must include principles and guidance relating to electoral advertising and must in particular include provisions relating to—

(a) ensuring the accuracy of factual claims,

(b) the need for relevant and reliable evidence to substantiate factual claims,

(c) the need to clearly identify the political party affiliated with an advert,

(d) transparency in the use of artificial intelligence, and

(e) issuing prompt public corrections to address mistakes.

(3) In this section “electoral advertising” means any factual claims in marketing communications, whenever published or distributed, whose principal function is to influence voters in a local, regional, national or international election or referendum.

(4) Before preparing or revising the Advertising Code, the Electoral Commission must carry out such consultation as it considers appropriate and must in particular consult—

(a) the Electoral Advertising Code Committee,

(b) representatives of parties appointed to the Parliamentary Parties Panel in accordance with section 4 of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and

(c) such other persons as the Electoral Commission considers appropriate.”

This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to produce an Electoral Advertising Code of Practice. It is connected to NC50, NC51 and NC52.

New clause 50—Electoral Advertising Code Committee—

“(1) The Electoral Commission must establish an Electoral Advertising Code Committee (“the Committee”).

(2) The functions of the Committee are—

(a) to advise the Electoral Commission on the preparation and revision of the Advertising Code,

(b) to adjudicate on alleged breaches of the Advertising Code, and

(c) to oversee the operation of and monitor the effectiveness of the Advertising Code.

(3) In exercising functions under this Part, the Committee must have regard to the importance of freedom of political expression and open democratic debate, and will not determine matters of political opinion unless they fall within the scope of factual claims in electoral advertising.

(4) The Committee is to consist of—

(a) a Chair,

(b) a member nominated by the Electoral Commission,

(c) a member nominated by the Advertising Standards Authority or its successor body,

(d) a member nominated by the Office of Communications, and

(e) a member nominated by the United Kingdom Statistics Authority.

(5) Nothing in this Part limits the powers of the bodies identified in subsection (4) under any other enactment.

(6) The Chair is to be appointed by the Electoral Commission following a fair and open competition conducted in accordance with the Public Appointments Code, with a majority of independent members on the assessment panel and a senior independent panel member.

(7) The appointment of the Chair requires the consent of the Speaker’s Committee on the Electoral Commission, which must not be unreasonably withheld or delayed.

(8) In making the appointment, the Electoral Commission must have regard to the need to secure the independence of the Committee.

(9) A person appointed as Chair holds office—

(a) for a single non-renewable term of five years from the date of appointment, and

(b) in accordance with terms and conditions (including as to remuneration and pension) specified by the Electoral Commission.

(10) The Chair may resign from office by giving written notice to the Electoral Commission.

(11) The Electoral Commission must pay to the Committee the sums determined by the Chair as appropriate for, or in connection with, the carrying out of the Committee’s functions.

(12) The Secretary of State must, within the period of 6 months beginning with the day on which this Act is passed, carry out a consultation on a levy on registered political parties’ election advertising spend for the purpose of funding the Electoral Advertising Code Committee.

(13) In carrying out the consultation, the Secretary of State must consult—

(a) the Electoral Commission,

(b) representatives of registered political parties, and

(c) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate.”

This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to establish an Electoral Advertising Code Committee. It is connected to NC49, NC51 and NC52.

New clause 51—Status of the Campaign Code and enforcement of the Advertising Code—

“(1) Persons engaged in political campaigning must have regard to the Campaign Code.

(2) A registered political party must prepare, publish and keep under review a code of conduct relating to its political campaigning.

(3) A code under subsection (2) must be consistent with the Campaign Code and must in particular include provisions relating to—

(a) honesty in political debate and reasonable efforts to not mislead voters, and

(b) the avoidance of intimidation, harassment or abusive conduct.

(4) The following persons, when engaged in electoral advertising, must comply with the Advertising Code—

(a) registered political parties,

(b) members of the House of Commons,

(c) members of any local authority in any part of the United Kingdom,

(d) members of the Greater London Assembly,

(e) candidates or prospective candidates at a United Kingdom general election, by-election, local authority election, Greater London Authority election or mayoral election,

(f) recognised third parties within the meaning of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and

(g) election agents within the meaning of the Representation of the People Act 1983.

(5) The Committee may, by written notice, require a person to provide information or documents reasonably required for the purposes of investigating a suspected breach of the Advertising Code.

(6) A person must comply with a requirement under subsection (5) unless the person has a reasonable excuse.

(7) If, on an application by the Committee, a court is satisfied that a person has failed to comply with a requirement under subsection (5), the court may make an order requiring the person to provide the Committee with—

(a) information referred to in the notice, and

(b) other information which the court is satisfied the Committee requires.

(8) Where the Committee considers that electoral advertising is inconsistent with the Advertising Code, it may take the following steps which it considers reasonable to secure compliance—

(a) issuing a notice requiring the person responsible to amend, withdraw or substantiate the advertising within a specified period,

(b) publishing a formal finding of non-compliance on its website [and in the repository of political adverts],

(c) requiring the publication of a correction, clarification or updated version of the advertising with similar prominence where practicable,

(d) notifying relevant online services or publishers and requesting prompt suspension or removal of advertising during the regulated period, and

(e) referring repeated or serious breaches to the Electoral Commission to impose civil sanctions in accordance with its powers under Schedule 19C to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.

(9) In deciding whether to impose a civil sanction under subsection (8)(e), the Electoral Commission must have regard to—

(a) the findings and recommendations of the Committee, and

(b) any enforcement action taken in relation to the same conduct under any other enactment.

(10) Where the Electoral Commission imposes a civil sanction following a referral from the Committee, it must publish a notice setting out—

(a) the nature of the breach,

(b) the sanction imposed, and

(c) the reasons for the sanction.

(11) A person on whom a civil sanction is imposed under subsection (8)(e) may appeal in accordance with the appeal provisions under the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.

(12) Failure to comply with the Campaign Code or the Advertising Code does not of itself give rise to criminal liability.”

This new clause is connected to NC49, NC50 and NC52.

New clause 52—Code of Conduct for Political Campaigning—

“(1) The Electoral Commission must prepare and publish a Code of Conduct for Political Campaigning (“the Campaign Code”).

(2) The Campaign Code must set out principles and guidance relating to political campaigning and must in particular include provisions relating to—

(a) honesty in political debate and reasonable efforts to not mislead voters, and

(b) the avoidance of intimidation, harassment or abusive conduct.

(3) In this section “political campaigning” means any conduct, communications or other activity which can reasonably be regarded as intended, directly or indirectly, to influence public support for, or opposition to—

(a) a registered political party,

(b) a candidate or prospective candidate at a general election, by-election, local election or mayoral election, or

(c) an outcome in a referendum.

(4) Before preparing or revising the Campaign Code, the Electoral Commission must carry out such consultation as it considers appropriate and must in particular consult—

(a) representatives of parties appointed to the Parliamentary Parties Panel in accordance with section 4 (parliamentary parties panel) of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and

(b) such other persons as the Electoral Commission considers appropriate.

(5) The Electoral Commission may revise the Campaign Code from time to time, and subsections (1) to (4) apply to a revised Campaign Code as they apply to the original.

(6) Electoral advertising as defined in this Part is regulated under the Electoral Advertising Code of Practice and subject to enforcement by the Electoral Advertising Code Committee.

(7) This Part applies in relation to elections and referendums for which provision may be made by an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament.”

This new clause would establish a Code of Conduct for Political Campaigning. It is connected to NC49 to NC51. The reference in this new clause to “this Part” is a reference to a new Part which would be formed of NC49 to NC51.

New clause 53—Third party campaigning: meaning of “controlled expenditure”—

“(1) Section 85 of PPERA 2000 (controlled expenditure by third parties) is amended as follows.

(2) In subsection (2)(b) substitute “can reasonably be regarded as intended to promote or procure” with “is incurred with a view to promoting or procuring”.

(3) Omit subsection (4A).”

This new clause would amend the definition of “controlled expenditure” so that expenditure will only be “controlled expenditure” if the intention of a relevant third party is to promote or procure electoral success for registered parties or candidates.

New clause 54—Declaration of gifts and benefits—

“(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows.

(2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert—

‘Declaration of certain gifts and benefits prior to nomination

(1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating—

(a) whether they have received in the 12 months preceding the declaration, or are currently in receipt of, gifts or benefits from a single source which are individually or cumulatively of a value exceeding £5000 (“a qualifying gift or benefit”);

(b) the value of any qualifying gift or benefit; and

(c) the source of any qualifying gift or benefit.

(2) The declaration must be—

(a) in the prescribed form,

(b) signed by the person, and

(c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers.

(3) For the purposes of this rule, a gift or benefit means—

(a) any gift to the person of money or other property;

(b) any sponsorship provided in relation to the person;

(c) any money lent to the person otherwise than on commercial terms;

(d) any money spent in paying any expenses incurred directly or indirectly by the person; or

(e) the provision otherwise than on commercial terms of any property, services or facilities for the use or benefit of the person;

whether or not made in connection with the person’s nomination.

(4) A gift or benefit is not required to be declared under sub-paragraph (1) if it is provided by an immediate family member of the person and the conditions in sub-paragraph (5) are met.

(5) The conditions are that—

(a) the gift or benefit is not being transferred, either directly or indirectly, from any third person; and

(b) the gift or benefit is not made or used in connection with the person’s nomination or any other political activity.

(6) For the purposes of this rule “immediate family member” means a spouse, civil partner, partner, parent, child, sibling, grandparent or grandchild.

(7) In rule 6A (nomination papers: name of registered political party), at the end insert—

“(4) A registered political party is under a duty to ensure that a candidate has made the declaration required by rule 8A, and a certificate under paragraph (1) or (1B) may not be issued by or on behalf of the registered nominating officer of the party in respect of a candidate unless this duty has been discharged.”’”

This new clause would require candidates to declare gifts or benefits worth over £5000, except from immediate family, during the 12 months before nomination to be validly nominated, It also places a duty on parties to ensure candidates have made this declaration before authorising them to stand on their behalf.

New clause 56—Plan for implementation of registration without an application—

“(1) The Secretary of State must prepare and publish a plan for the implementation of Part 2.

(2) The Secretary of State must comply with subsection (1) within the period of two months beginning with the day on which this section of this Act comes into force.

(3) The Secretary of State must lay a copy of the plan before Parliament.

(4) The plan must set out—

(a) the steps that the Secretary of State plans to take to facilitate the registration of persons registered under section 12A of RPA 1983, including the dates by which each step will be completed;

(b) when the Secretary of State expects any pilot regulations made under section 20 to be laid before each House of Parliament;

(c) a projection of the number of additional persons registered by 15 August 2029 as a consequence of the implementation (in part or in full) of Part 2.”

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to publish a plan for implementation of registration without an application.

New clause 57—Compulsory voting and civic education—

“(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament proposals for introducing—

(a) a compulsory duty to vote at UK parliamentary elections and local elections in England, and

(b) a programme of civic education in connection with that duty.

(2) Proposals published under this section relating to compulsory voting must include—

(a) provision for electors to be able to mark an abstention, either through returning a spoilt or blank ballot;

(b) provision for the failure to vote to be punishable through a penalty fine, at a rate to be set by the Secretary of State;

(c) provision for certain exemptions to be made for those who are unable to participate in an election, including—

(i) those with a physical or mental illness, or disability,

(ii) those who are unavoidably absent from the UK, and

(iii) those with a sincerely held religious belief that prevents them from participating in the election.

(3) Proposals published under this section relating to a programme of civic education must include civic education in schools and the production of learning materials for adults on topics including—

(a) the different electoral systems operation in the UK, and

(b) the roles and responsibilities of elected office holders in the UK.”

This new clause requires the Government to publish proposals for compulsory voting at UK general elections and local elections in England and proposals for a programme of civic education in schools and the production of learning materials for adults on topics including electoral systems and the roles of elected office holders.

New clause 58—Offences for purposes of Part 5 of the Elections Act 2022: domestic abuse—

“(1) Schedule 9 (offences for the purpose of part 5) of the Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out in subsection (2).

(2) After paragraph 52A (Online Safety Act 2023) insert—

“Behaviour amounting to domestic abuse

52B Any offence where the behaviour of the accused amounted to domestic abuse within the meaning of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021 (see section 1 of that Act).””

This new clause would add offences amounting to domestic abuse to the list of Schedule 9 offences for which provisions relating to hostility would apply.

New clause 59—Disqualification orders for court orders relating to abuse or harassment—

“(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out below.

(2) After Section 30 (disqualification orders) insert—

“30A Disqualification orders in connection with court orders relating to abuse or harassment

(1) This section applies where—

(a) a person (“the perpetrator”) has a qualifying order made against them,

(b) the perpetrator was aged 18 or over when the order was made, and

(c) the court is satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that behaviour done to a person for whose protection the qualifying order is made is aggravated by hostility to a person falling within any of sections 32 to 34.

(2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a), a qualifying order is—

(a) a domestic violence protection order;

(b) a non-molestation order; or

(c) a restraining order.

(3) The court must, when making a qualifying order, also make an order (a “disqualification order”) that the offender is disqualified, for the period in which the qualifying order is in force—

(a) for being nominated for election to a relevant elective office, and

(b) for being elected to or holding a relevant elective office.

(4) Subsection (2) does not apply where the court considers that there are particular circumstances relating to the qualifying order or to the perpetrator which would make it unjust in all the circumstances to make the order; and in such a case the court must state the reasons for not making the order.

(5) For the purposes of this section an offence is aggravated by hostility related to persons falling within any of sections 32 to 34 if—

(a) at the time the order was made, or immediately before or after doing so, the offender demonstrated towards the person for whose protection the order was made, hostility based on the person being (or being presumed to be) a person falling within any of sections 32 to 34, or

(b) the abusive behaviour was motivated (wholly or partly) by hostility towards persons falling within any of those sections in their capacity as such.

(6) For the purposes of subsection (4) it is immaterial whether or not the perpetrator’s hostility is also based, to any extent, on any other factor not mentioned in that subsection.

(7) For the purpose of deciding whether to make a disqualification order the court may consider evidence led by the prosecution and the defence.

(8) It is immaterial whether evidence led in pursuance of subsection (6) would have been admissible in the proceedings in which the protection order was made.

(9) In this section—

“domestic violence protection order” has the meaning set out in section 27 (meaning of “domestic abuse protection order”) of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021;

“non-molestation order” has the meaning set out in section 42 (non-molestation orders) of the Family Law Act 1996;

“restraining order” has the meaning set out in chapter 3 (protection from harassment) of the Sentencing Act 2020;

“presumed” means presumed by the offender.

(10) In section 37 (interpretation of part), in subsection (1) after “section 30” insert “or 30A”.”

This new clause would require courts to make a disqualifying order alongside court orders imposed to prevent abuse or harassment in cases where the hostility relates to a person protected under the Elections Act 2022.

New clause 61—Restriction on registration of parties with assets greater than £250,000—

“(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows.

(2) In Section 28 (registration of parties) after subsection (3D) insert—

“(3DA) A party may not make an application under this section at any time when the total value of the party’s assets is greater than £250,000”

(3) In Schedule 4 (applications under part II) after paragraph 5 insert—

“5A An application must be accompanied by a declaration containing the details of all bank accounts used by the central party and, where relevant, its accounting units for managing all income and expenditure of the party.

5B The Secretary of State may by regulations set out the information required in a declaration under paragraph 5A following a recommendation by the Electoral Commission.

5C Regulations under paragraph 5B are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.””

This new clause prevents a new political party from applying to be registered with the Electoral Commission if it has assets of more than £250,000 at the time of registration, and to provide the Commission with details of the bank accounts used.

New clause 62—Statutory guidance on suspected breaches of the Ballot Secrecy Act 2023—

“(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Electoral Commission must prepare draft guidance for Returning Officers on enforcing the provisions of the Ballot Secrecy Act 2023.

(2) Once the Commission has prepared draft guidance under this section, it must submit it to the Secretary of State.

(3) Within 28 days of receipt the draft ballot secrecy guidance, the Secretary of State must lay before each House of Parliament a copy of the draft guidance, either—

(a) in its original form, or

(b) in a form which incorporates any modifications that the Secretary of State considers necessary.

(4) If the draft guidance incorporates any such modifications, the Secretary of State must at the same time lay before each House a statement of the Secretary of State’s reasons for making them.

(5) If, within the 40-day period, either House resolves not to approve the draft guidance, the Secretary of State must take no further steps in relation to the draft guidance.

(6) Subsection (5) does not prevent new draft guidance from being laid before Parliament.

(7) If no resolution of the kind mentioned in subsection (5) is made within the 40-day period—

(a) the Secretary of State must issue the guidance in the form of the draft laid before Parliament,

(b) the Commission must arrange for the guidance to be published in such manner as it considers appropriate, and

(c) the guidance comes into force on such day as the Secretary of State may by regulations appoint.

(8) The Commission—

(a) may from time to time prepare draft revised guidance under this section, and

(b) must prepare draft revised guidance under this section if directed to do so by the Secretary of State.

(9) References in this section (other than in subsection (1)) to guidance or draft guidance include revised guidance or draft revised guidance.

(10) In this section “the 40-day period”, in relation to draft guidance, means—

(a) if the draft is laid before one House on a day later than the day on which it is laid before the other House, the period of 40 days beginning with the later of the two days, and

(b) in any other case, the period of 40 days beginning with the day on which the draft is laid before each House, no account being taken of any period during which Parliament is dissolved or prorogued or during which both Houses are adjourned for more than four days.

(11) Returning Officers must have regard to guidance issued under this section in exercising their functions.”

This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to prepare, and Parliament to approve, statutory guidance to Returning Officers on the enforcement of the Ballot Secrecy Act 2023.

New clause 63—Overseas electors: reform to voting process—

“(1) The Secretary of State, must, by regulations, make provision to enable overseas voters to vote in person at a United Kingdom Embassy, High Commission or consulate at United Kingdom parliamentary elections.

(2) For the purpose of this section, an “overseas elector” is a person who fulfils the requirements for an overseas elector in section 1 (extension of parliamentary franchise) of the RPA 1985.

(3) Regulations made under subsection (1) may amend provision made by or under any other Act as necessary.

(4) Any regulations made under this section must not be made unless a draft has been laid before and approved by resolution of each House of Parliament.”

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to make provision by regulations so that overseas electors can vote in person at United Kingdom embassies, consulates and high commissions for United Kingdom parliamentary elections.

New clause 64—Electoral Register: British Nationals Abroad—

“(1) The Secretary of State may, by regulations, introduce a system to give overseas electors the option to register to vote when they renew their British passport online.

(2) Any regulations made under subsection (1) must be made under the affirmative procedure.”

This new clause would allow the Secretary of State to regulate to introduce a system to allow overseas electors the ability to register to vote when they renew their passport online.

New clause 65—Independent review of registration and participation by overseas electors in UK Parliamentary elections—

“(1) The Secretary of State must commission an independent review into how to increase the registration and participation by overseas electors in UK Parliamentary elections.

(2) The matters which the review must consider shall include, but shall not be limited to—

(a) the experience of overseas voters at 2024 general election;

(b) the impact of the Elections Act 2022 on overseas voters;

(c) the number of voters participating from overseas in recent elections in the United Kingdom.

(3) The independent review must report within six months of the passing of this Act and be laid before Parliament.”

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to commission an independent review into increasing the registration and participation by overseas electors in UK parliamentary elections.

New clause 66—Sponsorship—

“(1) The Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 is amended as follows.

(2) In section 51 (sponsorship) after subsection 3 (b) insert—

“(c) the making of any payment in respect of advertisements or marketing at a conference organised by or on behalf of a registered party where the payment is made at the commercial rate payable for such advertisements or marketing;”

(3) In section 52 (payments, services etc. not to be regarded as donations), for subsection (3) substitute—

“(3) Nothing in section 50 or 51 shall have the result that a payment made in respect of the—

(a) hire of a stand,

(b) hire or sponsorship of a lounge, dedicated space, room, marquee, roundtable event, meal or reception,

at or associated with a party conference organised by or on behalf of a registered party is to constitute a donation to the party for the purposes of this Part if or to the extent that the payment does not exceed such of the maximum commercial rates which the Commission determine to be reasonable for such types of activity at a conference.””

This new clause amends the definition of sponsorship for the purposes of PPERA 2000 so that it does not include advertising, marketing, hire of a stand or a space associated with a party conference, where payment is made at commercial rates.

New clause 67—Language of campaign materials—

“(1) During the relevant period campaign material must not be promoted or published in a foreign language.

(2) A person is guilty of an offence if the person causes campaign material to be promoted or published that falls within subsection (1).

(3) For the purposes of this section—

“campaign material” means imprinted election campaign material published by political parties and candidates, whether in hard copy or digital format;

“foreign language” means a native language of any foreign country outside the British Islands, other than English;

“relevant period” the period after the date on which the candidate becomes a candidate at an election.

(4) A person guilty of an offence under this section is liable—

(a) on summary conviction in England and Wales, to a fine;

(b) on summary conviction in Scotland or Northern Ireland to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale.

(5) It is a defence for a person charged with an offence under subsection (2) to prove—

(a) that the person took all reasonable steps, and exercised all due diligence, to ensure that the campaign material was not promoted or published contrary to subsection (1), and

(b) that the contravention arose from circumstances beyond the person’s control.”

This new clause would ban election materials published in a foreign language by political parties and candidates during the short campaign. It would not ban campaigning in native languages of the British Islands such as in English, Welsh, Cornish, Ulster Scots, Irish, et al. Nor would it prevent campaigning via the likes of BSL or Braille.

New clause 68—Deadlines for proxy vote applications sent by post—

‘(1) In regulation 56 (closing date for applications) of the Representation of the People (England and Wales) Regulations 2001, after paragraph (1) insert—

“(1AA) An application for a proxy vote under paragraph 3(1), (6) or (7), 4(3) or 7(4) of Schedule 4 of the Representation of the People Act 2000 is not to be refused by virtue of paragraph (1) if—

(a) the application was sent by post; and

(b) the registration officer is satisfied on the basis of a postmark or other proof of posting that the application was posted at such time that it would be a reasonable expectation of the applicant that it would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1); and

(c) the application was received before 5 p.m. on the day of the poll at that election.

(1AB) In determining for the purposes of paragraph (1AA)(b) whether an application would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1), the registration officer must have regard to—

(a) the means of postal delivery used, and

(b) any evidence before the registration officer as to the reasonable expectation for the time of delivery by that means.”

(2) In regulation 56 (closing date for applications) of the Representation of the People (Scotland) Regulations 2001, after paragraph (1) insert—

“(1AA) An application for a proxy vote under paragraph 3(1), (6) or (7), 4(3) or 7(4) of Schedule 4 of the Representation of the People Act 2000 for a particular parliamentary election is not to be refused by virtue of paragraph (1) if—

(a) the application was sent by post; and

(b) the registration officer is satisfied on the basis of a postmark or other proof of posting that the application was posted at such time that it would be a reasonable expectation of the applicant that it would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1); and

(c) the application was received before 5 p.m. on the day of the poll at that election.

(1AB) In determining for the purposes of paragraph (1AA)(b) whether an application would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1), the registration officer must have regard to—

(a) the means of postal delivery used, and

(b) any evidence before the registration officer as to the reasonable expectation for the time of delivery by that means”

(3) In regulation 57 (closing date for applications) of the Representation of the People (Northern Ireland) Regulations 2001, after paragraph (1) insert—

“(1AA) An application for a proxy vote under paragraph 3(1), (6) or (7), 4(3) or 7(4) of Schedule 4 of the Representation of the People Act 2000 for a particular parliamentary election is not to be refused by virtue of paragraph (1) if—

(a) the application was sent by post; and

(b) the registration officer is satisfied on the basis of a postmark or other proof of posting that the application was posted at such time that it would be a reasonable expectation of the applicant that it would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1); and

(c) the application was received before 5 p.m. on the day of the poll at that election.

(1AB) In determining for the purposes of paragraph (1AA)(b) whether an application would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1), the registration officer must have regard to—

(a) the means of postal delivery used, and

(b) any evidence before the registration officer as to the reasonable expectation for the time of delivery by that means”.’

This new clause would require registration officers to accept postal applications for proxy votes in local and general elections in England and Wales, and in general elections in Scotland and Northern Ireland received after the deadline, where there is proof that the application was sent on time for the deadline.

New clause 69—Cap on donations—

‘(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows.

(2) After section 55 (payments etc. which are (or are not) to be treated as donations by permissible donors) insert—

“55A Cap on donations

(1) A permissible donor must not, subject to subsections (3) and (4), directly or indirectly give a donation to a relevant regulated entity that, individually or in aggregate with other donations from that permissible donor in the same calendar year, exceeds £1,000,000 “the donations cap”.

(2) “Donations” for the purpose of sections 55A to 55F, has the meaning given in section 50 (donations for the purposes of part iv) but does not apply to—

(a) public funds within the meaning of section 55(2);

(b) affiliation fees paid by a trade union to a registered party that comply with the conditions set out in subsection (3) below;

(c) subscriptions paid by industrial and provident societies to a registered party;

(d) donations between registered parties;

(e) exempt trusts within the meaning of section 162(2);

(f) bequests.

(3) The conditions referred to in subsection 2(b) are that—

(a) the amounts paid by the union’s members into the union’s political fund as their contribution to the union’s affiliation fee, and the money paid by that union to the registered party as its affiliation fee are the same;

(b) the following information must be provided by the union on all of its membership application forms:

(i) an explanation of what the political fund is and the union’s affiliation to a political party;

(ii) an explanation of how much individual members contribute to the political fund and towards the union’s affiliation fee;

(iii) an explanation of the trade union member’s right at any time to stop contributing to the political fund and the union’s affiliation fee and clear information about how they can do this; and

(iv) an explanation of the fact that if a member stops contributing, their membership subscription will be reduced accordingly; and

(c) the union informs its members annually of the amount they are contributing to the union’s affiliation fee and of their right to opt out of contributing to the political fund, including how they may do so.

(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) and who knew or ought reasonably to have known their donation exceeded the donations cap commits an offence.

55B Prohibition on accepting donations in excess of the cap

(1) A relevant regulated entity must not accept a donation that, individually or in aggregate with other donations from that donor, exceeds the donations cap under section 55A.

(2) A relevant person or unincorporated association that contravenes subsection (1) and who knew or ought reasonably to have known that accepting a donation would exceed the donations cap under section 55A commits an offence.

55C Receipts for donations

(1) A relevant regulated entity must, within the period of 30 days beginning with the relevant date, provide the donor with a receipt which states—

(a) the name of the relevant regulated entity, and any unique identifier given to it by the Electoral Commission;

(b) the amount of the donation received;

(c) the amount of the donation accepted or returned; and

(d) the date on which the donation was accepted or returned.

55D Declaration as to compliance with the donations cap

(1) Where a person (P) causes an amount to be received by a relevant regulated entity by way of a donation, a written declaration must be given to the relevant regulated entity—

(a) by P, if P is an individual, or

(b) if not, by an individual authorised by P to make the declaration,

stating, to the best of the individual's knowledge and belief, the donation does not exceed the donations cap under section 55A (cap on donations).

(2) A declaration under this section must also state the full name and address of the person by whom it is made and, where subsection (1)(b) applies—

(a) state that the person is authorised by P to make the declaration;

(b) describe the person's role or position in relation to P; and

(c) where relevant, that they have complied with the requirements of section 55F (verification by directors, members and persons of significant control of political donations by companies and limited liability partnerships).

(3) A person who knowingly or recklessly makes a false declaration under this section commits an offence.

(4) The Commission may by regulations prescribe a form of declaration which may be used for the purposes of this section, and other declarations donors are required to give to a relevant regulated entity by virtue of this Act.

55E Attribution of donations connected with companies and limited liability partnerships

(1) For the purposes of section 55A (cap on donations)—

(a) a donation made by a company or limited liability partnership is to be treated as made by each relevant person connected with that company or limited liability partnership, and

(b) a donation made by a relevant person is to be treated as made by each company or limited liability partnership with which that person is connected.

(2) For the purposes of this section, the relevant persons connected with a company are—

(a) members of the company,

(b) directors of the company,

(c) shareholders of the company, and

(d) persons with significant control over the company within the meaning of Part 21A of the Companies Act 2006.

(3) For the purposes of this section, the relevant persons connected with a limited liability partnership are—

(a) members of the limited liability partnership, and

(b) persons with significant control over the limited liability partnership.

(4) This section applies in addition to, and not in place of, any donation made by the relevant person in their own capacity.

(5) This section does not apply to companies with voting shares admitted to trading on a UK regulated market or an EU regulated market within the meaning of section 1173 (minor definitions: general) of the Companies Act 2006.

55F Verification by directors, members and persons of significant control of political donations by companies and limited liability partnerships

(1) A company or limited liability partnership must not make a donation until they have verified with their directors, members, shareholders and people with significant control that doing so would not exceed the donations cap.

(2) In section 56(1) (acceptance or return of donations: general), leave out from “ascertain)” to the end of the subsection and insert—

(a) the identity of the donor;

(b) whether they are a permissible donor, and (if that appears to be the case) all such details in respect of him as are required by virtue of paragraph 2 or 2A of Schedule 6 to be given in respect of the donor of a recordable donation;

(c) whether the donation exceeds the donations cap.

(3) In section 56(2), after "by virtue of section 54(1)" insert—

“or section 55B”

(4) After section 56(2) insert—

56 “(2A) Where subsection (2) applies and only part of a donation exceeds the donation cap, the party may retain the amount that does not exceed the donations cap.”

(5) In section 61(1) (offences concerned with evasion of restrictions on donations), after "other than a permissible donor" insert—

“, or which facilitates or is likely to facilitate a breach of section 55A (cap on donations)”

(6) In section 160 (general interpretation)—

(a) after "“organisation” includes any body corporate and any combination of persons or other unincorporated association;" insert—

“political fund” means a political fund maintained by a trade union under Part I of the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992;”

(b) after “registered party” means a party registered under Part II of this Act;” insert—

“relevant regulated entity” means—

(a) a registered party within the meaning of Part II of this Act;

(b) a recognised third party within the meaning of Part VI of this Act;

(c) a regulated donee within the meaning of Schedule 7 of this Act;

(d) a candidate standing for a relevant election within the meaning of section 22(5) of this Act;

(e) an unincorporated association making political contributions within the meaning of Schedule 19A.

“relevant person” for the purposes of subsection 55B(2) means—

(a) in the case of a political party, the Treasurer;

(b) in the case of a recognised third party, the responsible person;

(c) in the case of a regulated donee, that person; and

(d) in the case of a candidate, that person.

() In paragraph 6 of schedule 6 (Donations from impermissible donors), after “section 54(1)(a)” insert—

“or section 55B.”

(8) In Schedule 20, in Table after

[Florence Eshalomi]

The Representation of the People Bill is central to our plan for fixing politics. Every one of us in this House has a responsibility to show the value of participating in our elections, but the reality is that too many people have lost faith in politics, and we must address the reasons for that. At the heart of this must come measures to reassure the public that the elections they are voting in are fair and free from foreign interference. We must stand against the unprecedented tide of abuse faced by those who put themselves forward to represent their communities.

The Bill will secure our elections against those who threaten them, protect those who participate, ensure that our democracy remains open and accessible to legitimate voters, and strengthen, preserve and modernise our elections for the next generation. It delivers our 2025 strategy for modern and secure elections. It takes forward the recommendations of the Rycroft review and meets our manifesto commitments. It sets the foundations for elections that are fairer and a democracy that is stronger.

Before I speak to the Government amendments tabled in the name of my right hon. Friend Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, I thank those who participated in the passage of the Bill. I pay particular tribute to my predecessor, my hon. Friend the Member for Chester North and Neston (Samantha Dixon), for her tireless work in getting the Bill to this stage.

Cryptoassets have come up in our debates. Cryptoasset transactions create a new and clear route for untraceable money to enter our politics. These Government amendments therefore propose a ban on political donations made in cryptoassets, in line with the recommendations in the Rycroft review. The ban applies to donations of all values. The specific risk associated with foreign interference and crypto donations is not the same as the risk associated with donations made by bank transfers.

The ban will apply retrospectively. Any donations made in cryptoassets from 25 March 2026 must be returned within 30 days following the commencement of these provisions. This is to prevent malign actors taking advantage of the advance notice of the ban. If recipients fail to comply, they risk enforcement action and, potentially, criminal liability. The Government intend to end the ban once the Electoral Commission and Parliament are satisfied that the regulatory environment around cryptoassets is robust enough to protect the integrity of our political finance from foreign interference. Ending the ban will therefore require further legislation.

We are also amending the definition of “donation” to include arrangements in which a property is used to pay for the expenses of a recipient.

Local Government Reorganisation

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Thursday 18th December 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Minister for her statement. I appreciate that she outlined that she has listened to valid concerns from councils about reorganisation. I have raised with Ministers the uncertainty that councils will face in transitioning into new councils, and in running vital day-to-day services.

I am a bit disappointed in the Minister, in that this announcement has come so late in the day. This is an issue of grave importance to so many hon. Members right across the Chamber, but many of them will not be here today to raise their concerns with her. In addition to the Secretary of State’s comments two days ago, he said this when he appeared before the Select Committee on 11 November:

“Where the elections are intended to go ahead, they will go ahead.”

What has changed since then?

The deadline is in a few weeks—the Minister asked that representations be made no later than 15 January—which leaves councils little time to prepare, if we are to make sure that we inform the Electoral Commission as well. What advice would she give to election officers who are planning elections, which takes time and costs money? Should they go ahead or should that work be paused? After that date, when will the final decision be made? Can Members have sight of that date?

We appreciate that local government reorganisation is complex, but we cannot have a situation in which the Government keep postponing elections. Local elections are vital and a sign of a healthy democracy.

[Alison McGovern]

I thank the Chair of the Select Committee for raising those points. First, I take seriously her point about the timings. She will understand that it has been a particularly busy time, given all that is happening in the Department, but I absolutely accept her point. I have been in touch with many Members of the House on reorganisation, funding and other matters, and I anticipate that I will also be in touch with Members over the rest of the year, and very much in the new year as well.

My hon. Friend asked, “Why now?” We have had representations from a number of councils undergoing reorganisation—albeit by no means the majority, as most councils that are reorganising are not due to have elections in any case—and we think it is important that we take stock of their views on capacity constraints. My hon. Friend also asked about timings; we have asked the councils to come back to us quickly, and we will take decisions swiftly.

Planning Reform

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Tuesday 16th December 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Minister for his statement. I commend him for his work on bringing the planning system up to date, which can be quite a technical process, and on the landmark Planning and Infrastructure Bill, which will receive Royal Assent later this month. I welcome the fact that the Minister has listened to many people from across the sector before making some of the changes, including the default yes on development around train stations and the national standards for drainage.

We must remember that many children do not have access to a play space, so the inclusion of measures on play spaces is vital. It is easy for us to get caught up in the technical aspects of planning, but we have to remember the 170,000 children stuck in temporary accommodation this Christmas; if we do not get moving on this, they will still be there next year. That means building more homes, including social homes. I heard what the Minister said about NDMPs. I am hopeful that that will be kept under review, so that we can look at planning decisions and speed up planning reforms.

I have raised accessible housing with the Minister before; in particular, housing should be delivered in line with the requirements of approved document M4(2) and M4(3) under the Building Regulations 2010. Will there be a target for these new homes? What discussions has he had with advocacy groups and disability groups to make sure that those homes are fit for purpose for everyone?

Electoral Resilience

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Tuesday 16th December 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Secretary of State for making his statement. Far too often, Members right across this House take elections for granted. The fact that we can go to the ballot box and cast our votes in a free and fair election is something that we have to fight for and protect, so I welcome the fact that the investigation will look into this, and particularly the foreign donations angle. It cannot be right that while political parties can raise millions of pounds in cryptocurrency, the source of that funding is unchecked, so I welcome the review into illicit funding, which will ensure that we can trace the source of political donations.

I also welcome the appointment of Philip Rycroft, and I hope to go through the terms of reference, which, as the Secretary of State outlined, will be published later. In welcoming this announcement, it is important that we look at the fact that democracy is under attack. We need to ensure that accountability and independence stay in check. The strategy and policy statement introduced by the previous Conservative Government were a step in the wrong direction; they gave politicians undue influence over the Electoral Commission. Will the Secretary of State confirm that the strategy and policy statement will be abolished in the upcoming elections Bill, and whether the independence of the Electoral Commission will be protected in future?

[Steve Reed]

I thank the Chair of the Select Committee for her support for the review, and I look forward to the Committee making its views clear to Philip Rycroft and his team. I agree with her about the problematic nature of cryptocurrency, and with her concerns about the anonymity of donors. It is important that there be transparency about where that money comes, and that we see who is seeking to influence British politics and democracy, particularly if they are malign, hostile foreign or state actors. She asked a question about the elections Bill. That will be published in the new year, and the details will be clear to her then.

Asylum Policy

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Monday 17th November 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

Before I call the first Back-Bench contribution, may I remind Members that in order to expect to be called to speak in response to a statement, they should have been here from the start of the Home Secretary’s statement? There may be Members bobbing quite unnecessarily.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

The reality is that we need an asylum and immigration system based on fairness and consistency. My constituency of Vauxhall and Camberwell Green is a testament to that, as it is a place that has been made richer because of the people who have come there from all over the world. Some of them have fled persecution and have made a home in my constituency over many years. I meet these people every week in the community, including in schools, where I see those children excited about their future. When this Government came into office last year, they were right to say that their priority was to tackle the huge backlog of unprocessed asylum claims left by their predecessor. Clearing that backlog is a big task, but it is right that we identify who has the right to be here, although introducing more assessments of those who have been here for many years and making new judgments about the safety of a country, will take considerable resources. Is the Home Secretary confident that these changes will not have the unintentional consequence of making it harder to achieve her goal?

[Shabana Mahmood]

I assure my hon. Friend that there will be both the administrative system and the resources needed to underpin the asylum changes that we are making. At the end of the five-year leave to remain period, there is already meant to be an assessment about whether the country of origin remains a safe country or not, but in practice there has ended up being an almost automatic pathway to permanent settlement, and that it what we are changing. I would ask her to look carefully at our protection work and study route, because we will be encouraging those who have sought asylum here and been granted refugee status to go into work or to study. That supports their integration and means that they are making a contribution that will retain public support for the system overall.

Planning and Infrastructure Bill

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Consideration of Lords amendments
Thursday 13th November 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I pay tribute to those in the other place for their work in getting us to this stage. I am conscious of time—it is a Thursday, and many Members want to speak—so I will not go into great depth on the amendments. However, I welcome the changes that the Government have made in the other place, and the work of Ministers to reach a compromise to get the Bill on to the statute book as soon as possible. I particularly welcome the series of pragmatic Government amendments on environmental delivery plans. It is critical to ensure that any system to protect our environment is robust, and the measures outlined by the Government will go some way to quelling some of the fears outlined not just in the other place but by Members across this House on Report. I also welcome reforms to address water supply and encourage the building of badly needed reservoirs, as well as measures to ensure that developers have extra time to commence work when a court grants a judicial review. That sensible and proportional approach will ensure that permissions do not expire through no fault of the developer, and avoid any unnecessary repetition of the whole planning process.

As Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee, I wish to touch on two points that relate to the scrutiny we have in this place for planning and infrastructure. The first relates to Lords amendment 1, which is identical to amendment 83, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Hackney South and Shoreditch (Dame Meg Hillier) on Report. As the Minister said then, this is

“about ensuring that scrutiny is proportionate to the changes being made,”. —[Official Report, 9 June 2025; Vol. 768, c. 756.]

However, we must be honest and say that even amendments to statements can have a massive impact on our communities up and down the country. Sometimes that impact is even bigger than that of Bills, which are subject to the full weight of parliamentary scrutiny.

I understand the point that the Minister made in Committee, which is that the system has led to unacceptable delays, sometimes for several months. I also know as much as anyone that just because a Committee recommends something to Ministers, it is far from a guarantee that the Government will change their policy. However, it is important that this change is not used to ride through significant changes without Committees having the chance to carry out proper scrutiny into how the measure will impact the lives of people up and down the country. It must also not be used to bypass scrutiny when a statement is amended so much over time as to become a de facto new statement. That is part of the role that we were elected to carry out by this House, and it is something that helps give confidence to the whole House that we have properly considered the statements before us. I heard the Minister indicate earlier that the Government will not accept Lords amendment 1, but I gently ask whether he can assure the House that Committees will still be included in the process of amending statements, and that they will not be sidelined when we engage proactively and in a timely manner with that process.

The introduction of this Bill is long awaited, after years of failing to unblock a broken planning system and to build on the scale that we desperately need. Research from Crisis found that nearly 300,000 families and individuals have ended up without a home of their own, while previous Governments failed to act, and as we know, some children do not even have a room in which to learn to walk or crawl. In reality that will not end overnight; it will end only when we have a system that consistently builds the affordable and social homes that we desperately need.

Gaza: Israeli Military Operations

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Wednesday 2nd April 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

Order. Many right hon. and hon. Members still want to get in, and there is an important statement to come, so could questions be a little briefer, please?

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Minister for coming to the House and the hon. Member for Bristol Central (Carla Denyer) for raising the matter. I concur with the comments of my right hon. Friend the Member for Islington South and Finsbury (Emily Thornberry) in that we have been here before. We keep getting the same responses. Our constituents continue to write to us about this—they want hope. The reality is that over a thousand Palestinians have been killed within the last fortnight. Today marks a month since Israel broke that ceasefire, blocking critical aid into Gaza in defiance of international law. I ask the Minister—I know he and the Foreign Secretary are working hard—what more it will take before we as a UK Government take a different course of action, because Israel is not listening to warm words any longer.

Plan for Neighbourhoods

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Tuesday 4th March 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Chair of the Select Committee.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Minister for the statement. A number of Members have been on councils, and some of us still serve on them. If we are all honest, the unfortunate reality is that the competitive tendering process did pit some councils against each other, including deprived councils. It is right that we move away from that, and away from the sticking-plaster politics that we have seen over the past few years.

I want to press the Minister to give us a bit more of an understanding of how the neighbourhood boards will be set up and how they will function. Will there be a clear recruitment process to get the local buy-in that is critical? As the Minister said, it is important that we bring communities along with us. If there is conflict between local authorities and the boards—for example, over a regeneration plan—will one have the power to veto the other, and will the Department have oversight, so that it can intervene, should there be serious concerns about interventions and operation?

The Minister said that it was important for communities to have a say in their future, so is the Department looking at the community right to buy? I declare my interest as a Labour and Co-operative MP. Through the community right to buy, we have seen local pubs, libraries, leisure centres and so much more saved. When can we expect to see that new light, and when will that legislation come forward?

[Alex Norris]

I am grateful to the Chair of the Select Committee for those questions. I agree with what she said about competitive tendering; the quid pro quo is that the Government of the day have to be very clear about how allocations are made. My commitment is that we will always be very transparent about how the decisions are made, and I know that the Select Committee will take a strong interest in that.

Turning to the establishment of boards, I suspect that one of the themes of discussion over the next few minutes will be our not wanting to hold back areas that are making great progress. Areas with established boards may take advantage of the opportunity to add more people to those boards, and may move on at pace, while other areas may want to treat this moment as a chance to reboot their board. Either way, the basic principle is that the local authority will be the ring-holder, supported by the local Member of Parliament, but once that board has got going, we expect it to be in leadership. We do not want boards to have significant tensions with their councils, and we would expect any tensions to be resolved in the usual way, but those boards will have the power to get on with the job.

The community right to buy was a component of the White Paper. We are looking forward to delivering the community right to buy, because we know that it would be greatly valued, whether we are talking about buying pubs or other buildings in communities. We are very keen on that, and as a fellow Labour and Co-op MP, I am particularly keen on it.

Local Government Reorganisation

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Wednesday 15th January 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the shadow Minister for securing this important question; he has highlighted some key issues.

Sadly, we know that our councils are at breaking point. The Select Committee’s first major inquiry is to look at local government finances, and we look forward to engaging with the Minister on it. It was reported that local authorities in England were facing £77.5 billion-worth of debt by the end of last year. Much of that is debt to central Government or from borrowing. Sadly, because of that, vital frontline services such as housing and social care are at breaking point. Residents cannot afford to be caught up in buck-passing or discussions about accountability if this reorganisation goes through, so can the Minister assure the House that residents will still have the same level of power and scrutiny over vital services during the reorganisations?

[Jim McMahon]

I thank the Chair of the Select Committee for those questions. What I hear from residents and even from councillors in two-tier areas is that, more often than not, local residents have no idea which council to go to in order to get the answers they need on local services. Reorganisation will provide efficiency savings in organisational costs that can be directed towards frontline services, which we believe are the priority for taxpayers. There should not simply be the cost, in many cases, of such services existing. We also believe that it is right, from a democratic accountability point of view, that residents have a clearer line of sight on which body to hold to account for local decisions.

On the point about local government finance, which we absolutely understand and accept, we have worked hard and I would say we have been relatively successful on rebalancing the funding crisis in local government. We have done that by providing £5 billion of new money, taking the total allocation to £69 billion. We cannot undo 14 years of damage in six months—it has been damaging over the 14 years—but we are now bridging to that multi-year settlement where we can really begin to repair the foundations. I think we have made progress on that.

Budget Resolutions

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Florence Eshalomi

Wednesday 6th November 2024 Commons Chamber

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I am delighted to speak about the first Labour Budget in 14 years. For my constituents, the last fourteen years have been difficult. Too often, they felt that the then Government were not on their side. That Government did not hear that austerity left us not only with deteriorating public services but more fragile communities. They did not reform the planning system, which would have alleviated the housing crisis and stopped the 20% to 30% rent increases that left many of my constituents facing eviction during a cost of living crisis. They did not take the difficult decisions to protect the economy, and left our new Government with a black hole to fill.

We heard loud and clear in July that government must be different. This Budget offers that. We have a rise to the national living wage and to the rate for under-21s, which will make work pay whatever someone’s age. Funding of over £25 billion for the NHS over the next two years will deliver more doctors and tens of thousands of extra appointments, helping hospitals such as St Thomas’, just over the river in my constituency.

As the Chair of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee, I have heard a lot from our local authorities, which have borne the brunt of the failure to tackle the housing crisis. Councils have been forgotten, with devastating consequences for communities. Yesterday, at our first public Committee meeting, we heard from homelessness organisations and local authority representatives on the state of temporary accommodation. Councils are having to spend unsustainable amounts to fill gaps in that area, which is driving them to near bankruptcy. In London alone, 70% of local authority housing budgets are being absorbed by temporary accommodation. That means less money for repairs and maintenance of housing stock, which leaves tenants feeling the increase in the crisis.

The human impact is even more shocking. As I speak, over 150,000 children are in temporary accommodation across England. In the last five years, 55 children have died in circumstances linked to temporary accommodation; 42 of them were under the age of one. That should shock and shame us. Those deaths are not coincidental. Yesterday, the Committee heard about families living in one room. That can stunt a child’s growth because they are not able to do the things they should, such as crawling. We heard about how a child’s ability to form social attachments with peers can be affected by the lack of consistency caused by constant moving. We heard about how parents are often plunged into mental health crises because of the stress of raising a family in those conditions, which further isolates the child.

The Government can and must do better. I welcome the steps in this Budget to supplement the affordable housing programme, increase homelessness spending and scale back right to buy to boost our social housing stock, but they must be first steps. We need further significant change in the upcoming funding settlement, and the next Budget must truly start to address that crisis. I am particularly worried about the freeze to local housing allowance rate, because it is a lifeline for people who are struggling. That is covered by the Department for Work and Pensions, but the measure could have a significant impact on attempts to tackle the homelessness crisis, so it must be addressed in upcoming statements.

The deep harm caused by the last 14 years cannot and will not be fixed overnight. The Budget is the first in my five years in this House that gives us a glimmer of hope and a road map for fixing our broken public services. I congratulate the Chancellor and her team on getting on with the job so quickly, but I will be a voice for the thousands of families who continue to fall through the cracks with no safety net beneath them. They cannot afford to wait any longer for help—they need it now. I urge the Government to give attention to people in crisis, such as those in temporary accommodation. We cannot, as a Labour Government, risk failing a generation of young people.

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Caroline Nokes)]

I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.