Employment Law: Devolution to Scotland Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateAngela Crawley
Main Page: Angela Crawley (Scottish National Party - Lanark and Hamilton East)Department Debates - View all Angela Crawley's debates with the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(2 years, 2 months ago)
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I beg to move,
That this House has considered the potential merits of devolving employment law to Scotland.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Edward.
The Minister will recall that I have spent many hours in this place calling for reform to employment law. She will also be aware of the backlash from unions at an employment Bill being nowhere to be seen in the most recent Queen’s Speech. Indeed, Frances O’Grady of the Trades Union Congress highlighted that vital rights that Ministers have promised, such as flexible working, fair tips and protection from pregnancy discrimination, are at risk of being ditched for good. The fact is that this Government need to get a grip on workers’ rights. If they refuse to do so, then now is the time to devolve employment law powers to Scotland to allow the Scottish Government to enact our own reforms.
The SNP Scottish Government are doing everything in their power to improve workers’ rights where they have devolved competence. Throughout the pandemic, the Scottish Government have worked to prioritise workers’ rights, calling on employers, trade unions and workers to work together during this challenging time to ensure that workers are treated fairly. The SNP Government refreshed their Scottish business pledge to align with the fair work principles, and they established a new learning network and an international fair work summit. They also published a fair work action plan in February 2019, which set out a range of measures to support employers to embed fairer working practices. That is supported by trade unions across Scotland.
Additionally, the Scottish Government published a gender pay gap action plan in 2019, bringing together a cross-Government group to approach the gendered impact of inequality in the labour market. The Scottish Government are also a champion of the real living wage, which is of the utmost importance during the cost of living crisis. There are nearly 1,500 living wage-accredited employers in Scotland, giving Scotland the highest rate of workers in the UK earning a real living wage.
With the limited powers that they currently hold, the Scottish Government have worked hard to tackle in-work poverty and support those on low incomes and, ultimately, to condemn exploitative zero-hours contracts by establishing a fair work convention to support the fair pay and conditions agenda. However, with employment law reserved to the UK Government, Scotland can only go so far; it is only able to address part of the problem. Full devolution of employment law would allow Scotland to go even further by creating fairer workplaces, increasing wages, reducing insecure work and fundamentally tackling in-work poverty head on. Shifting that power to the Scottish Government would allow them to stop the race to the bottom on workers’ rights that we are seeing in the post-Brexit UK.
Last December, the European Union delivered employee status to gig economy workers, untying them from the constraints of self-employment status and allowing them basic employment rights, such as minimum wage, holidays and sick leave. That reform of workers’ rights in the EU may well have been one of the most ambitious extensions of workers’ rights from Brussels since Britain left the EU, and we are missing out. Since leaving the EU, the UK Government have been complacent on updating employment law to tackle the injustices faced by the UK workforce.
Scotland overwhelmingly supported retaining EU membership, in no small part due to its commitment to the extension and promotion of workers’ rights. Instead, the UK Government’s approach appears to be to leave workers to appeal to the courts where they cannot access justice, as in the Uber and Addison Lee cases. Without reform of existing legislation, workers are left at the mercy of rogue employers. In 2019, this UK Government were elected on a manifesto that promised to introduce measures to protect those in low-paid work and the gig economy. That was embodied in the promise of an employment Bill that would protect and enhance workers’ rights, with the tagline, “Making Britain the best place in the world to work”.
My hon. Friend makes an important point. The Taylor review reported five years ago and recommended things that the Government should do quickly, including simplifying worker status. Does my hon. Friend share my concern that the Government have sat on that report for five years with no action?
I thank my hon. Friend for making that point. The Taylor report gave the Government a comprehensive list of items that they could address, but sadly they have been sleeping on the job.
Although there was no commitment in this year’s Queen’s Speech to bring forward the promised employment law reforms, perhaps the Government now have an opportunity to do so. Will the Minister tell us why we should trust this Government to treat workers’ rights as a priority when, three years after that promise was made, no employment Bill has materialised?
We have already seen the ambitions of the UK Government slip. Now we are knee deep in pandemic recovery, a cost of living crisis and a looming recession. It is imperative that the Government make a concrete commitment to improving workers’ rights.
We can expect the Tories to denigrate or at the very least be uncaring on workers’ rights, but we have to be honest: the Labour party, certainly in Scotland, has questions to answer too. It denied—indeed, it fought—equal pay for women for decades, and then the minute it left office in Glasgow, it started campaigning for it; it voted against higher offers to council workers; and it stopped the devolution of employment law in the Smith Commission. Had it supported the SNP in the Smith Commission, I would not have had to introduce three Bills to outlaw fire and rehire. Does my hon. Friend agree with that?
I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. It is fair to say that the Labour party, like the Government, has been sleeping on the job when it comes to protecting workers’ rights in the UK. It has failed to stand up for workers and it has often been missing on picket lines.
The pandemic has exacerbated a steady entrenchment of precarious working conditions across the UK. More people than ever before in the UK are relying on zero-hours contracts and participating in the gig economy. It is a sad fact that workers sometimes have to turn away a job because it would cost them more to drive to collect an item than they would receive to deliver it. They simply cannot afford it because the wages are so low. How is it that here in the UK wages are so low and workers’ rights are so abysmal that a worker cannot even afford to attend work to earn money in the first place? It is absolutely absurd, yet that is the position we find ourselves in, with the Labour party, which is set, potentially, to take over at the next general election, also sleeping on the job.
What the hon. Lady says leads me to think that we need reform of UK employment law rather than devolution of employment law, which would create new barriers to doing business and running services across the UK. Although I would wholeheartedly support the reform of UK employment law, I worry about the implications for companies such as RBS, which has staff all over the country, and the nightmares it could cause in terms of employment rights and breaking up the single market.
The hon. Lady makes a number of points. Given her ardent belief in the Union, she would argue that this is the best place in the world for the protection of workers’ rights, yet we on the SNP Benches have repeatedly—in every facet, in every forum, in every piece of legislation—attempted to encourage the Government to reform employment law and they have failed to do so.
Does my hon. Friend, like me, find it rather bizarre that the hon. Member for Edinburgh West (Christine Jardine) seems to have overlooked the fact that the predecessor of my hon. Friend the Member for East Dunbartonshire (Amy Callaghan) was an employment Minister in a Lib Dem coalition? If there was such a need to reform employment law, why did the Lib Dems not do that?
Absolutely. There was ample opportunity when the Lib Dems were in the coalition to transform employment law, and that did not happen.
I want to make some progress, but I will come back to the hon. Member.
There are more and more people in insecure work, more and more people with insecure wages, and more and more people with insecure rights in the workplace. More people are under-employed, and more people are holding down multiple jobs and yet struggling to support themselves. Sadly, more and more people are struggling to invoke their workplace rights and unionise.
In real terms, that means more people have been plunged into in-work poverty and are unable to rely on stable incomes, which is invaluable to those trying to make headway through what will be a bleak winter for many families as we approach a cost of living crisis. The impact of the pandemic is clear, the impact of Brexit is clear, and the impact of this Government’s stagnation and failure to act is blatant. I call on the UK Government to either act now or let the Scottish Government do so. I would love to have every competence that this Government have to bring forward an employment Bill and transform employment rights. They have failed to do so, and they do not appear to want to.
I was deeply disappointed that there was no commitment in the Queen’s Speech to improve workers’ rights. The decision to shelve the employment Bill represents a missed opportunity for this Government to make serious progress on changing employment law. They have missed the opportunity to update policies on flexible working, carers leave and paid miscarriage leave, which I have argued for time and again. They have failed to strengthen protections against workplace sexual harassment and other equalities protections.
The Minister will recall that I have spent many hours in this place calling for the introduction of paid miscarriage leave. My hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow East (David Linden) has pursued relentlessly the right for neonatal leave and pay, and I welcome the Government’s commitment to introduce those measures. I have pursued numerous vehicles in Parliament to try to ensure that the important policy of paid miscarriage leave is introduced but, sadly, I feel I am reaching the end of the road. The policy has cross-party support, yet it has been unable to succeed because of the archaic working practices of this place and this Conservative Government’s failure to commit to legislating on the issue. That reinforces why this system will never work for Scotland. It is becoming clearer by the day that we cannot trust this Conservative Government to prioritise workers’ rights. Instead, we see the further entrenchment of socioeconomic inequality in our society.
Scotland did not vote for Brexit, Scotland did not vote for this Conservative Government—it has not done so for many years—Scotland did not vote for this latest Prime Minister, and Scotland did not vote to roll back workers’ rights and leave the European Union. Yet we find ourselves in a situation where this Government will not act, and our Government want to act but do not have the powers to do so.
I thank my hon. Friend for giving way; she is being very generous. Does she share my concern and that of many others that the Government seem to want to roll back trade union rights further, and are threatening trade unions that they are going to raise thresholds and make industrial action more difficult?
I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. I know that the hon. Member for Arfon (Hywel Williams) wished to intervene too.
I will make two brief points. I find strange the argument that multinational companies are somehow unable to adapt their practices to the conditions required by individual independent countries. That is a fallacy and a fiction. Let me also point to a particular reversal of rights, which I will refer to in my speech if I am fortunate enough to be called. The Government have demonstrated their hostility by intending to scrap the Trade Union (Wales) Act 2017—a law passed by our Senedd to protect workers in Wales.
I thank the hon. Member for that salient point. We can be under no illusion: not only are this Government not interested in protecting workers’ rights, but they are not interested in protecting the devolution settlement in Wales, Scotland or anywhere else, and they are not interested in listening to people across the UK who are crying out for urgent action on the energy cap.
Workers in Scotland and across the UK should be under no illusion: this Government are responsible for one of the most egregious attacks on workers’ rights for over a decade, and there are no signs that that will change. Given the performance of the Scottish Government in this area, does the Minister recognise that the UK Government are hindering the Scottish Government’s ability to act to protect workers’ rights in the way that we would have done if we had remained in the EU?
It is clear that the UK Government are reluctant to take any steps necessary to overhaul employment law and catch up with the realities of work in the current decade. If the Minister remains unwilling to address the failures of this Government, will she give the Scottish Government the powers to do so? I must ask the Minister to give serious consideration to the devolution of employment law to Scotland, and to stop holding us back from delivering vital support and protections to those who need them most, especially now.
I will get to that in a short while.
Devolving employment rights to Scotland could also disadvantage workers by suppressing the free flow of labour between England and Scotland. Having this valuable free flow of labour is essential, as it increases the chances of workers finding the jobs that will make the most of their skills and employers finding the best employees for their businesses. Office for National Statistics data from 2019 estimates that around 68,000 people work in Scotland and live in England, or vice versa. Devolving employment rights could therefore be highly disruptive for workers who work across the border.
The UK Government remain strongly committed to working together with all the devolved Administrations to ensure the UK’s institutions are working collectively as one United Kingdom. We appreciate and value our ongoing, close working relationship with the Scottish Government, while also respecting their unique devolved nature. Through this close working, we are determined to build a highly skilled, highly productive high-wage economy that delivers on our ambition to make the UK the best place in the world to work and grow a business. Ministers and officials within my Department engage regularly with their counterparts in the Scottish Government, as well as the Welsh and Northern Irish Governments, to consider various employment-related issues. I look forward to discussing employment rights issues with my Scottish counterparts too.
I would like to highlight that the UK, including Scotland, has a very strong labour market. Its strength results from balancing labour market flexibility with worker protections. The figures speak for themselves. Early estimates for July 2022 indicate that there were 29.7 million payrolled employees—around 650,000 higher than pre-pandemic levels. The unemployment rate is 3.8%, which is close to record low rates. Making any changes to the current devolution settlement could jeopardise our labour market’s success. On employment rights, the hon. Member for Lanark and Hamilton East stated that workers’ rights are being disregarded in the UK. I disagree with that. She also said that Ministers are sleeping on the job. Chance would be a fine thing—since 8 July at least!
It is not only the labour market’s strength that is exemplary. The UK’s record on employment rights is one of the best in the world, giving vital protections to workers. We have one of the highest minimum wages in the world. In April, the national living wage was raised to £9.50. In the UK, people get a minimum of over five weeks of annual leave, whereas the EU requires only four weeks. People in the UK get a year of maternity leave. The EU minimum is just 14 weeks.
I am proud that we have implemented many important changes to the UK labour market, which are benefiting workers across England, Scotland and Wales. In recent years, this Government have brought forward a raft of legislation on employment rights issues. That legislation has closed a loophole that saw agency workers employed on cheaper rates than permanent workers, and quadrupled the maximum fine for employers who treat their workers badly. We have given all workers the right to receive a statement of their rights from day one. We have given parents a new legal right to two weeks’ paid bereavement leave for those who suffer the devastating loss of a child. The hon. Member for Paisley and Renfrewshire South (Mhairi Black) mentioned the Taylor review, and the Government are making progress on a number of the recommendations it set out.
The Government supported workers throughout the covid-19 pandemic, taking steps to protect the earnings of workers through the UK-wide coronavirus job retention scheme. We also ensured that furloughed employees who were made redundant received full redundancy payments. In Scotland, a total of 911,900 employees were on furlough during the course of the scheme, and we were able to offer this unprecedented package of support through our ability to act on a UK-wide basis. Our response to the covid-19 pandemic exemplifies that we are at our strongest when we come together as one United Kingdom.
We are going still further with employment rights reforms. Numerous private Members’ Bills have been introduced on the matter of employment rights, and we are working closely with these Members on their proposals. On 15 July, this Government supported two private Members’ Bills on Second Reading. The Employment (Allocation of Tips) Bill, introduced by my hon. Friend the Member for Watford (Dean Russell), will ensure that all tips go to staff, and allow them to bring a claim to an employment tribunal if businesses do not fairly distribute workers’ well-earned tips. The Neonatal Care (Leave and Pay) Bill, introduced by an SNP Member, the hon. Member for Cumbernauld, Kilsyth and Kirkintilloch East (Stuart C. McDonald), will allow parents whose new-born babies are admitted to neonatal care to take up to 12 weeks of paid leave, in addition to other leave entitlements, such as maternity leave. This will allow them to spend more time with their babies at what is a hugely stressful time. Our productive work with the SNP Member on this Bill goes to show just how far we can make progress on important employment rights issues by collaborating across parties, and between the UK Government and the devolved Administrations. My officials have also met their Scottish Government counterparts to discuss the private Members’ Bills, and will continue to engage closely with them throughout their passage.
As well as those private Members’ Bills, on 6 July, we laid legislation that extends the ban on exclusivity clauses in contracts where a worker’s guaranteed weekly income is below the lower earnings limit, which is currently £123 a week. That will ensure that an estimated 1.5 million people have the opportunity to pick up extra work to top up their income if they wish. Two further private Members’ Bills will be considered on Friday, including the Carer’s Leave Bill, which was mentioned earlier. Also mentioned was shared parental leave, which is exceeding the expectations in the targets set for it. The online tool is also proving successful in helping parents decide what to do for their family.
In July, we published guidance to clarify the existing employment status boundaries, making it easier for businesses to comply with existing regulations and for individuals to understand which employment protections apply to them. In April, we made sure that 2.5 million people across the UK received a pay rise by raising the minimum wage and the living wage. The largest ever cash increase to the national living wage will put over £1,000 a year extra into full-time workers’ pay packets, helping to ease cost of living pressures. We are helping younger people too by lifting the minimum wage for under-23-year-olds and apprentices. What is more, in December 2021, we named and shamed 208 UK employers who failed to pay the minimum wage, including 19 Scottish employers.
We take action where it is needed to tackle appalling business practices, such as P&O Ferries firing its employees without consultation. We reported P&O to the Insolvency Service and took an active role in ensuring it treated its workers fairly. In March this year, we announced that we will introduce a statutory code of practice on dismissal and re-engagement—so-called fire and rehire tactics. That will include practical steps that employers should follow if they are considering changes to workers’ terms and conditions and there is the prospect of dismissal and re-engagement. All that comes in addition to the UK Government’s £37 billion cost of living support package, which will benefit households across the UK, including those in Scotland. For these reasons, the Government do not support the devolution of employment rights to the Scottish Government.
Let me turn to some of the points raised during the debate. The hon. Member for Lanark and Hamilton East spoke about the Miscarriage Leave Bill. The Government recognise that losing a child at any stage is incredibly difficult, and we expect employers to respond with compassion and understanding. Because the death of a child is a particularly tragic event, we have legislated to give parents who lose a child under the age of 18, including cases where a baby is stillborn after 24 completed weeks of pregnancy, a right to take up to two weeks off work in the 56 weeks following the death of their child.
Although there is no statutory entitlement to leave for women who lose a baby before 24 completed weeks of pregnancy, those who are not able to return to work may be entitled to statutory sick pay while off work, subject to the eligibility conditions. If eligible for statutory sick pay, employees are able to self-certify incapacity for work for the first seven days of their absence, regardless of the cause. All employees are also entitled to 5.6 weeks of annual leave a year, and many employers also offer compassionate leave.
My ten-minute rule Bill is due for Second Reading on 16 September. Does the Minister acknowledge that it is simply unfair that a parent who loses a pregnancy or baby at 23 weeks and six days has no right whatsoever to any form of paid leave, while after 24 weeks a parent has the right to bereavement leave and pay? Should that legislation not be extended or provision not be made for parents who experience that loss before 24 weeks? Can she explain why the Government will not do so?
I will look at that point, because I understand the hon. Lady’s argument. However, a line has to be drawn somewhere.
The hon. Member for Glasgow East (David Linden) talked about the four-day working week. We appreciate that a four-day working week may work well for some workers and employers, but we do not believe in a one-size-fits-all approach to working arrangements. That is why rather than telling people and businesses how to work, we put individual agency and choice at the heart of our approach to flexible working.
The hon. Members for Paisley and Renfrewshire South, for East Dunbartonshire (Amy Callaghan), for Glasgow East and for Lanark and Hamilton East asked why no employment Bill was announced in the Queen’s Speech. While I know it is disappointing that it did not include one set out as a single Bill, there is an ambitious legislative programme that includes a comprehensive set of Bills that will enable us to deliver on priorities such as growing the economy. As I mentioned, numerous private Members’ Bills have been introduced on employment rights as a result of the PMB ballot in the Commons. We are working closely with those Members on their proposals, and are grateful to those from across the House who are helping us with that.
The hon. Member for Edinburgh South (Ian Murray) and others questioned why we are not banning fire and rehire. Imposing a ban would not be appropriate because in some situations fire and rehire can play a valid role, as businesses may need the flexibility to use this option to save as many jobs as possible. We are taking proportionate action to address firing and rehiring practices by bringing forward a statutory code of practice.
The hon. Member for East Lothian (Kenny MacAskill) talked about tribunals. The UK Government and Scottish Government continue to work closely on drafting the Order in Council. Once that is concluded, we will look to agree a timeline for the devolution of the first tranche of tribunals.
I thank the hon. Member for Lanark and Hamilton East for bringing this important topic to the House and enabling this debate. While the Government have no plans to devolve employment rights to the Scottish Government, I thank the hon. Members who contributed constructive arguments. We will continue to work with the Scottish Government and other devolved Administrations as we continue to build on the UK’s record on employment rights.
After 12 years of this Government, it is fair to say that many of the reasons for the cost of living crisis lie squarely at their door. Any Government who fail to understand why workers must have their rights protected and enshrined in law should rightly fear going to the ballot box in a general election. The Government have failed to act on employment and failed to introduce a Bill. If they will not do so and if they will not devolve employment law to the Scottish Government, it simply makes the case for us that independence is the only way for Scotland to ensure that workers’ rights are protected in the way that they should be. It is clear that an employment Bill will not come from this Government.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House has considered the potential merits of devolving employment law to Scotland.