Junior Doctors Contracts

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Monday 25th April 2016 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hunt]

Interestingly, A&E departments will benefit from the new contract because there are special premiums to encourage more people to go into A&E as a specialty. However, on his broader point, I agree: when someone is paid a high salary, that comes with the responsibilities of a profession. That is why, however much people disagree with the new contract, and however much they may not agree with the Government’s plans for a seven-day NHS, it is totally inappropriate to withdraw emergency care in the way that will happen tomorrow and the next day. That is why doctors should be very careful about the impact this will have on their status in the country.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

The Secretary of State said in his statement: “Taking strike action is a choice”. However, when someone’s back is against the wall, and the person in charge will not listen, it never feels like a choice. A month ago, the Secretary of State could not answer my question about how big the NHS provider deficit would be in the last financial year—it was about £3 billion—so will he answer my question now, because money is at the heart of this? What will the NHS provider deficit be in the next financial year?

[Mr Hunt]

We are taking serious action to bring that deficit down. In particular, one thing we need to do to do that is to reduce the use of agency staff. That will help with the provision of more full-time staff in the NHS, which will be good for the junior doctor workforce.

Oral Answers to Questions

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Tuesday 22nd March 2016 Commons Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Life Sciences (George Freeman)]

I am delighted to join my hon. Friend in that congratulation and to confirm the announcement in the autumn statement that the Government are committed to putting £4.8 billion of capital into the NHS every year through to 2021. That will include funding for proton beam therapy and for major new hospitals at Brighton and at Sandwell, in addition to our billion pounds a year for NHS research and our £700 million a year for medical research through the Medical Research Council.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

The financial year ends next week. What does the Secretary of State expect the NHS provider budget deficit to be by then?

[Mr Jeremy Hunt]

We know that the deficit will be bigger this year, and that there is extreme pressure. Part of the reason for that is that NHS trusts have rightly said that, in the wake of what happened at Mid Staffs, they want to ensure that their wards are properly staffed, but they have done that by using unsustainable agency staff. The most important thing that we need to do is to move to permanent full-time staff rather than agency staff who are too expensive and not good for care.

Junior Doctors Contract

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Monday 30th November 2015 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hunt]

I have always believed that a negotiated agreement will be better for doctors, patients and the NHS, because I am sure that the BMA has value that it can add in the negotiating process to make sure that we implement the spirit and not just the letter of what the Government want to do. I agree with my hon. Friend, and I hope that we can enter into constructive, serious negotiations.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

I have watched my hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham East (Heidi Alexander) fight night and day, and for seven days a week, for services in her constituency, so I would counsel the Secretary of State against saying that she has not fought for seven-day-a-week services. May I help the Secretary of State? In order to restart the process with trust, will he confirm that he has heard from junior doctors—as I have heard from junior doctors who are constituents of mine—that their primary concern is for nothing but patient safety?

[Mr Hunt]

I do think that that is the primary concern of the vast majority of junior doctors, which is why I think it was wrong for the BMA to refuse even to sit down and discuss with the Government how we were going to implement a manifesto commitment. I now hope we can get past that, so I will not say any more other than that I think it is now possible to get a better agreement for the NHS, and I hope we will now be able to do that.

Oral Answers to Questions

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Tuesday 13th October 2015 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hunt]

Yes, I can. I should have said that seven-day hospital services will be available to a quarter of the country by March 2017. We are putting an extra £10 billion into the NHS in the course of this Parliament, which will help in the roll-out of seven-day services—I hope in Croydon, as well. I commend my hon. Friend for his efforts in that respect.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

I met a large group of junior doctors in my constituency on Friday, and we talked a lot about seven-day working. They asked me to put two things straight with the Health Secretary: first, the vast majority of junior doctors are already working seven days a week; and, secondly, on their contract, it was not terms and conditions that they were worried about, as I thought they were, but safety. In respect of those new contracts for junior doctors, what assessment has the Secretary of State’s Government made about patient safety?

[Mr Hunt]

I am very happy to do that, and to correct some of the misleading impressions given by the BMA about what the changes are. The changes are about patient safety. They are about the fact that someone is 15% more likely to die if admitted on a Sunday than on a Wednesday because we do not have as many doctors in our hospitals at the weekends as we have mid-week. I want to give better support to the doctors who work weekends by making sure that they have more of their colleagues and more consultants there, as well as proper safeguards, which I do not believe we have at the moment. I will be getting that message out, and I hope that the hon. Lady will, too, when she next meets her junior doctors.

Health and Social Care

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Tuesday 2nd June 2015 Commons Chamber

[Jane Ellison]

I have already responded to that issue. One would think that Her Majesty’s Opposition would have learned by now that to constantly denigrate the things the NHS does so well in pursuit of making political points does them no service at all.

There is a great track record for the NHS in the face of growing demand and tight financial pressures, but the NHS cannot go on treating more people at this rate. We need to move up several gears in prevention. If we prevent avoidable ill health, as well as enhancing the lives of so many of our citizens, we will get more out of the precious resources available for the NHS. In that vein, we are transforming access to GP and out-of-hospital care. It is all about relieving the pressures that we know exist in the health system and building on our work to bring about full parity between physical and mental health. Those measures will help us to ensure that people get the right care at the right time in the right place, and bring prevention to the fore.

The right hon. Member for Leigh asked specifically about the Bill on professional regulation. I can confirm that the Government remain committed to taking forward recommendations for reformed legislation on regulation of the health and care professions. Work is being done on that important piece of business.

My hon. Friend the Member for Totnes (Dr Wollaston), the former Chair of the Health Committee, and others welcomed our announcement of a clampdown on agency pay. That goes to the heart of how we tackle financial pressures in the NHS. She also asked how agency rates will be set. It will be done on a local basis, agreed by providers and taking into account local circumstances and the regional labour market. Restrictions will not apply to internal “bank” staff—that was one of the specific questions she asked—which we see as a better and cheaper alternative to external agencies.

I said that it was important to get serious about prevention. As the Public Health Minister, I am delighted to see prevention right at the heart of the NHS’s own plan, the plan that we on the Conservative Benches are backing: the Five Year Forward View. We know that to ensure that our NHS is sustainable in the long term, we need to stop many people getting ill in the first place and ending up in hospital, so prevention is key. As the party of aspiration, we want everyone to achieve their potential and get on in life, for themselves and their family. Preventable ill-health and the burden of disease are a barrier to this and can hold people back. As we heard in many of the maiden speeches today, it is a burden that falls disproportionately on the most deprived communities. One of the frustrations that we on the Government Benches often feel is that it is not recognised by the Opposition that tackling health inequalities is something that we all feel passionately about. Improving the health of the most deprived communities in our country is a key part of tackling inequality in our society.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

The Minister mentions deprivation and health inequality. I have listened to council leaders dealing with inequality and deprivation. They face extreme cuts under this Government which have caused massive problems for the NHS. What would she like me to say to them?

[Jane Ellison]

I do not remember in the last election campaign the former shadow Chancellor going around promising local government any more money. We cannot have big debates about the future of important and expensive services such as social care and healthcare if the Opposition are not prepared to say where they would make savings and how they would keep the economy growing. It is just not sustainable.

National Health Service

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Wednesday 21st January 2015 Commons Chamber

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

May I return my right hon. Friend to something very important that he said? He pointed to the distress of our constituents who are being told to go to A and E rather than having reassurance from a nurse on the end of the phone. This is the experience of all our constituents right now, and I would far rather all my constituents had access to a qualified nurse than were just told to go to A and E.

[Andy Burnham]

My hon. Friend calls it just right. One thing the Government could do right now would be to get more nurses on the end of those phones, to provide that experienced voice, that reassurance, that people with young children need before they decide to get in the car and go to A and E. I remember using NHS Direct in such circumstances myself. That reassuring voice has gone, and that is why NHS 111 is placing additional pressure on our A and E. The Secretary of State would not recognise it, with the reasons that he gave, but it is. Staff know it is. The ambulance service know it is. It is time we had a Government who faced up to that reality. My question for the Secretary of State today is: will he now concede that that flawed 111 service has contributed to the 600,000 annual increase in A and E attendances?

The second policy decision that I shall discuss is the closure of NHS walk-in centres. Colleagues who have been in the House for some time will recall that there was a winter crisis in A and E in most, if not all, winters in the 1990s. Then, in the late ’90s, NHS Direct was launched and NHS walk-in centres were opened, with the specific intention of giving people alternatives to attending A and E, which were then under major pressure. The locations of the first wave of walk-in centres were carefully chosen, often where an A and E had recently closed, including at Leigh infirmary in my constituency. In the decade from 2000 to 2010, around 230 walk-in centres were opened across England. Many of those centres became an established and understood alternative to A and E.

However, despite strong evidence to support them, a review by Monitor has found that almost one in four walk-in centres have closed under the coalition Government. Many more are under threat today. Monitor’s review surveyed people who used walk-in centres, and one in five said they would have gone to A and E if that alternative had not been available. Here is my next question for the Secretary of State: will he now concede that, in the areas where those centres have closed, there will have been extra attendances at A and E, and that was it a mistake to close those centres?

Thirdly, I will mention GP services, but let me start by clearing something up. The Prime Minister claimed today at Prime Minister’s questions that there are more GPs now than when he took office. I am afraid, as so often is the case at Prime Minister’s questions, that claim is simply not true. The last census of the GP work force conducted under the previous Government, in September 2009, found that there were 35,917 GPs working in England. The latest census for which figures are available, September 2013, finds 35,561 GPs working in England. When will Ministers start giving out facts from that Dispatch Box, rather than the spin we get week after week?

--- Later in debate ---

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Stevenage (Stephen McPartland). I listened carefully to his speech. He has very good taste in one respect—the football team that he supports. Although he praised the NHS staff—of course, the NHS staff I represent and speak to work incredibly hard; I pay tribute to them—in almost everything else he said, he could not recognise the glaring fact of the reorganisation being the root cause of some of the problems that we are seeing, and he was wrong in his assessment of the shadow Secretary of State’s contribution. The NHS is an extraordinarily important issue to us all. Opposition Members show great passion, as the hon. Gentleman did, and we would all pay tribute to the hard work of NHS staff. There is no difference between us on that point.

I commend the speech by my right hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle (Alan Johnson), who is not in his place at this moment. I was particularly moved by his recounting of the experience of his constituents—teenage girls suffering from mental health conditions. It is what the House of Commons should be there for, to allow us to hear his constituents’ voices in that way. I would hope that, in our debates on mental health, we can do much more to bring those problems in our system to the fore.

I want to talk about what I see as three possible solutions to the current difficulties and crises in the NHS.

[Ian Austin (Dudley North) (Lab)]

Vote Labour, vote Labour, vote Labour.

[Alison McGovern]

My hon. Friend makes an excellent point, but I want to outline some of the specifics that might be entailed by that position. I want to talk about three elements of changing the NHS that I take to be very important. One of them is pretty parochial, but the other two are terribly important for our whole country.

The first concerns a walk-in centre in my constituency. Not everybody in the House will be an expert on the geography of Merseyside and, specifically, the Wirral, though I know that everybody will appreciate how important it is that they learn about it. In my part of the world, our local hospital is quite far from those of us in south Wirral. There was a hospital in south Wirral called Clatterbridge hospital, which I was born in. Its emergency facilities closed many years ago; I think that I was almost one of the last babies to be born there. Services were moved up to Arrowe Park on the border of the Birkenhead and Wirral West constituencies. I well remember, when I was young, how far away Arrowe Park felt and, when members of our family were ill, what a long distance it seemed when getting there.

Under the previous Labour Government, with my predecessor’s support, Eastham walk-in centre was opened in south Wirral, near the Cheshire border. That walk-in centre has been a rip-roaring success. It treats people effectively. They can turn up at hours that are convenient, such as out-of-work hours. It is open at the weekends and until 8 o’clock at night on a weekday. I declare an interest as a parent of a young child who always seems to manage to get herself unwell at the most inconvenient times. Eastham walk-in centre has been there for us, and my constituents value it greatly.

Under the reorganisation, the new clinical commissioning group took over. In Wirral, we had a bizarrely complex structure of three federated CCGs for a population of about 350,000. Having three CCGs in Wirral was total madness. Twenty-five million quid was wasted on a reorganisation that nobody wanted and nobody voted for. The first thing the CCG wanted to look at was urgent care, and it put our walk-in centre under threat of closure. This is an incredibly important facility to the people of south Wirral. It brings the NHS to their doorstep. It totally changed the availability of out-of-hours facilities for people in my constituency. The CCG, in its lack of wisdom, thought it was just fine to say, “We’re not sure we need that. We can re-provide those services at GP surgeries, never mind whether they are open at a convenient time.”

The CCG never went through with those proposals, and rightly so. Since then, however, there has been a constant threat and a worry in my mind about Eastham walk-in centre. I want to make it clear to the Minister that if there is any risk at all of that walk-in centre closing, he will receive representations from me pretty quickly, because it is an absolutely vital service. Unless we again conceive of the NHS as being there for patients and the public first and think about how to bring these facilities close to people, we will never get an efficient and effective service fit for the next generation. Walk-in centres are absolutely vital. It sends a chill down my spine to hear the shadow Secretary of State say that one in four has closed; if anything, we should be opening more.

Secondly, I want to talk about social care and older people. We all know that we have the benefit of an ageing population in our country. With an older population, we will have a more experienced and expert population. I take it to be a good thing that people’s grandparents and valued members of their family are living longer, but with that comes a responsibility to look after them properly.

I ask Ministers what has happened to the better care fund. What evidence is there that it has been used to find solutions that are really working? All I see on my patch is council cuts and then the consequences turning up at the door of the hospital. Older, more seriously ill people in our community are turning up at A and E, with the distress to them of being there, the consequential responsibility on staff and the worry for families as people lie on trolleys.

We need a much more radical approach. Integration is clearly the answer, but I would like us to go further: I want us to truly address the work force issues in social care. It is not good enough that poverty pay is endemic among those who look after the most senior members of our community. That is not acceptable; nor is the zero-hours culture. We once had that problem in child care, but as a country we took on the responsibility of changing the culture in the work force for the good of our children, and we must do the same for the benefit of our older people.

I will not speak for much longer, Mr Deputy Speaker, but I want to say something about mental health, which should be part of the strategic approach that we must take to change the NHS for the benefit of the next generation. Parity of esteem is of course correct and absolutely right. I take it that there is now cross-party consensus on that issue and that everyone in the House thinks that we should treat mental health as seriously as we do physical health, with no barriers to getting proper treatment. However, I want us to do something else: we need to recognise the interconnected nature of physical health and mental health. It is not just that we also need to treat mental health, but that if we sort out people’s mental health issues and conditions and empower them to live better and happier lives, they will have better physical health and will make better use of the NHS’s scarce resources.

[Chloe Smith (Norwich North) (Con)]

I warmly welcome the hon. Lady’s last point, but why did she not prevail on her Front-Bench colleagues to include it in the motion?

[Alison McGovern]

I have many conversations with my right hon. and hon. Friends on the Front Bench, but they do not always ask me for a full briefing before they draft their motions, as I am sure the hon. Lady appreciates.

I conclude by saying that with the appropriate use of walk-in centres, a radical approach to social care and real consideration of the interconnections between physical and mental health, the difference we can make to our NHS will be excellent.

Oral Answers to Questions

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Tuesday 15th July 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hunt]

There is agreement across the House that we need a focus on frail elderly patients and a system in which everybody knows, for their mum, dad or grandparents, that there is someone in the NHS where the buck stops in relation to complex, long-term conditions. That is a condition of the better care fund, so I hope that that will make a big difference in my hon. Friend’s constituency.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

The Secretary of State mentioned integration. Good care and support for older people in their own homes are vital, yet a constituent visited me recently to say that she simply could not find a decent trustworthy care company to look after her relative. Will the Secretary of State join me in calling for all local authorities to sign up to the ethical care charter?

Cervical Cancer Screening

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Thursday 1st May 2014 Commons Chamber

[Steve Rotheram (Liverpool, Walton) (Lab)]

I beg to move,

That this House notes the e-petition relating to the tragic death of Sophie Jones from cervical cancer; believes that the Government should urgently issue guidance stipulating that all women should have the choice of taking a smear test regardless of their age and in consultation with their doctor; and further notes that the best way to combat cervical cancer is by increasing awareness of its symptoms so as to ensure that early diagnosis rates are driven up, doctors and nurses understand that although it is very rare, younger women can develop cervical cancer, and high levels of coverage among young girls of the HPV vaccination programme introduced in 2008 are achieved.

I am grateful for the opportunity to bring this important debate to the Floor of the House, although I wish it was not under such tragic circumstances. The number of MPs present does not necessarily reflect the wider public interest in the issue. Perhaps that shows that many MPs have lots of competing interests and that many who would have liked to have been here today are, unfortunately, unable to attend.

I want to place on record my thanks to members of the Backbench Business Committee, skilfully chaired by my hon. Friend the Member for North East Derbyshire (Natascha Engel), for listening to the voices of the tens of thousands of people who wanted this issue debated, and to the Leader of the House for recognising the considerable national interest in it. I also thank the Liverpool Echo, the Daily Mirror and the Daily Mail for their continued coverage of Sophie’s case and the steps they have taken to raise awareness of this debate and, more importantly, the issue of screening and the early identification of symptoms, which I will go into in more detail during my contribution.

I want to place on record my gratitude to Sophie’s mum, Peri, and to each and every one of the 321,925 people who signed the online petition following the heartbreaking death of her daughter earlier this year. They made history in the process by accumulating the largest ever number of signatories to a Government e-petition.

There has been a lot of speculation and conjecture about what is actually being requested today, but my motion, seconded by my hon. Friend the Member for Wirral West—

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

South!

[Steve Rotheram]

Sorry—she will kill me for that!

The motion is clear in its intent. I am not calling for the introduction of routine cervical screening for all women and young girls under 25, but I am calling on the Government to issue guidance that stipulates that all women should be able to request a cervical smear regardless of their age. Put simply, young women and teenage girls who present to their GP with possible symptoms of cervical cancer should have the choice, if they so desire, to have a smear test, but that must of course go hand in hand with extensive consultation with their GP to ensure that they are informed of all the potential consequences of the procedure. Given the limited number of cervical cancer cases in women under the age of 25—just 47 in England in 2011, according to Department of Health figures—such an option would not open the floodgates to thousands of unnecessary, costly or possibly damaging tests for young girls.

The motion is an attempt to promote the issue, and to encourage the medical profession to take up the provision that is already available to doctors of granting screening tests to females of any age in exceptional circumstances. It must be said that some of the medical profession are clearly not exercising that power, and that has proven fatal in cases such as Sophie’s. Indeed, at the heart of the motion is one simple premise—that a woman of any age over 16 should, through written departmental guidance, have the right to make an informed choice for themselves.

I will highlight areas in which I believe the Government could take immediate action to educate and inform both patients and medical professionals better about the symptoms and diagnosis of cervical cancer in young women and teenage girls, but I want to make it clear that I am very much of the opinion that any changes to age restrictions must be evidence-based.

Sophie Jones was a much-loved and popular 19-year-old girl from the Wirral who had her whole life ahead of her. She had fashioned a successful career in modelling, and was described by her twin sister Ashleigh as

“the life and soul of everything”.

In 2013, after experiencing constant stomach cramps for more than a year, Sophie visited her GP. She advised her doctor of her symptoms and asked for a smear test. Sophie knew that something was seriously wrong, but she was continually refused a test solely on the basis of her age. Instead, Sophie’s GP incorrectly diagnosed her with Crohn’s disease. Last November, Sophie was forced to enter hospital permanently, due to the deterioration in her health and the escalation of her condition. Despite that, numerous doctors still failed to recognise her symptoms or to diagnose her illness accurately.

Eventually, Sophie and her family’s worst nightmares were confirmed when she was diagnosed with cancer of the cervix. Tragically, by the time doctors were able to make an affirmative diagnosis, it was too late. The cancer had spread to other parts of her body, and by then she was terminally ill. For four months, Sophie fought against her devastating disease and, with her family and friends alongside her at her hospital bed, fought bravely to the end. On 15 March, after four long and excruciating months, Sophie’s defences were overwhelmed by her condition and she lost her struggle for life.

There was a time in Britain when a cancer diagnosis struck the fear of God into people, but thanks to advances in medical treatments and preventive measures, early diagnosis ensures that cancer patients survive in more than half of cases. Cancer is no longer a death sentence if caught early enough. Sophie’s diagnosis came too late for treatment to be successful, but it should never have been that way. That is what makes her case so painful for her family and friends.

I know that I speak on behalf of my hon. Friends the Members for Wirral South and for Liverpool, Wavertree (Luciana Berger) when I pay tribute to Sophie’s family and friends for the dignity that they have shown, and for their determination to highlight Sophie’s story to prevent anyone else from ever having to go through what they have been through. Sophie was failed by the current system, and that should not be allowed to happen to anyone again.

Moreover, I am confident that Sophie’s case is not an isolated incident. I am aware of other cases, and other Members will speak about cases that have been brought to their attention. Those cases include that of Maryanne Makepeace, who was told that she had a water infection, before she was finally diagnosed with terminal cancer.

Just last week, the BBC in Wales reported the case of 20-year-old Jessica Bradford, who was also told by her GP that she was too young for cancer. Initially, she was diagnosed with thrush, with the doctor believing that she had a sexually transmitted disease, but Jessica was eventually diagnosed with cancer of the cervix. She has been told that she is now infertile, having undergone radiotherapy and chemotherapy. That is one example of how a woman exercising her right to a test resulted in her being given treatment, which I hope will lead to a full and complete recovery.

Cervical cancer is the second most common cancer worldwide. It is the 11th most common cause of cancer-related deaths in the UK, amounting to about three in every 100,000 women, according to the crude mortality rate of Cancer Research UK. There are, on average, just short of 1,000 deaths from cervical cancer each year in the UK. Three women are diagnosed with the disease every day.

As Jo’s Cervical Cancer Trust points out, almost all cases of cervical cancer are caused by the persistent high-risk human papilloma virus. The NHS guidance on the HPV vaccine indicates that 99% of cervical cancers are caused by an HPV infection, and that four out of five sexually active adults will come into contact with it during their lives. The condition is not one that solely women can get; men also carry the HPV virus. The thing is that many people do not necessarily present with any particular symptoms.

It is worth highlighting the other risk factors that can affect a woman’s propensity to develop cervical cancer. They include smoking, as carcinogens weaken the immune system and leave the individual more likely to attract an infection of the cervix, as well as unprotected sexual activity at an early age, teenage pregnancy, multiple births, decreased immunity in women receiving immunosuppressant drugs and, in some cases, mothers given the DES—diethylstilbestrol—infertility drug when pregnant. Some medical opinion suggests that long-term use of the contraceptive pill, for instance for more than 10 years, can slightly increase the risk of developing cervical cancer, although I am sure there is consensus that the benefits of the pill far outweigh the risks for most women.

The previous Labour Government’s decision to introduce the HPV vaccination programme was extremely apposite. It has saved and will continue to save many thousands of lives across the country. However, we must be relentless in rolling out the vaccination programme in our schools and colleges. Typically, year 8 girls—those aged 12 and 13—are offered the vaccination, and the take-up rate is about 80%. The vaccination offers protection against their developing the condition in later life. A catch-up programme was also introduced by the previous Government in 2009-10, in which almost 1 million girls aged between 12 and 18 were vaccinated. The continued roll-out of vaccination in girls before they become sexually active will greatly decrease the chances of their contracting the infection, and it will increase the chances of cervical cancer survival.

As many as 2,800 women a year are diagnosed with cervical cancer, and more than a third of sufferers die each year because of the failure to catch the cancer through early diagnosis. It is impossible for women on their own to detect abnormalities in cervical cells, but symptoms that seem inconsequential when taken in isolation can amount to a clear indication of cancer of the cervix when assessed cumulatively. Those include abnormal bleeding during or after sexual intercourse or between periods, post-menopausal bleeding if a woman is not on hormone replacement therapy or has stopped it for six weeks, unusual and/or unpleasant vaginal discharge, discomfort or pain during sex, and lower back pain. As the cancer develops, it can cause additional symptoms such as frequent urination, blood in the urine, rectal bleeding, diarrhoea, incontinence and lower-limb lymphoedema.

[Alison McGovern]

My hon. Friend is giving an excellent description of the symptoms that everyone should be aware of. It is refreshing to hear a man talking about the symptoms of women’s cancers. Does he agree that one thing that we can definitely do today is raise the awareness of those symptoms and encourage men and women to understand more about women’s cancers?

[Steve Rotheram]

My hon. Friend makes a powerful point. In all honesty, I did not know an awful lot of this information before I was asked to head up the campaign in the Backbench Business Committee to get this matter debated in the House. I suspect that the same is true of many male colleagues on both sides of the House and many men in the wider public. We must destigmatise the use of words like “period” or “vaginal discharge” by men, because it is important that such things can be spoken about openly. As the father of two daughters, I certainly want them to be aware of the symptoms of this condition, so that they can bring them to my attention and I can help and guide them should they need a consultation with the GP. This is an important matter for us to debate in the Chamber. I am sure that other colleagues will go into the symptoms of this horrible disease.

The danger of highlighting the symptoms is that some women might misdiagnose themselves, causing them unnecessary worry. Conversely, if doing so means that one person with the symptoms is diagnosed with cervical cancer and has her life saved, it is well worth it.

According to the NHS figures, the vast majority of women’s test results come back normal. For about one in 20 women, the test will show some abnormalities in the cells of the cervix. Most of those changes will not lead to cervical cancer and the cells often return to normal on their own. Indeed, that is particularly true of young patients. In some cases, the abnormal cells need to be removed so that they cannot become cancerous.

About 3,000 cases of cervical cancer are diagnosed each year in the UK, which amounts to 2% of all cancers diagnosed in women. As I have stated, cases of cervical cancer in women under 25 years of age are extremely rare. They amount to about 1% of all cervical cancer sufferers in England. However, the relatively small number of occurrences should not be dismissed as statistically negligible. The mission of the NHS cervical screening programme is

“to reduce the number of women who develop cervical cancer and the number of women who die from it.”

The screening programme is credited with saving the lives of about 5,000 cancer patients a year across the board.

In 2004, the last Labour Government increased the age at which young females could have a test from 20 to 25, in accordance with international recommendations from the World Health Organisation. America has adopted the position that a test should happen at 20 years of age or within three years of first sexual activity, whichever comes earlier. To me, that seems an appropriately flexible policy to have. It is estimated that early detection and treatment prevents up to 75% of cervical cancers. The contention centres on the appropriate age at which screening should become routine and on the health consequences for somebody who chooses to have a test before the recommended age of 25.



So that I am not accused of presenting an imbalanced view of the medical thinking on this issue, I should say that there is an opinion among some professionals that smear tests on young women and teenage girls can lead to false positives, unnecessary treatment, anxiety for the patient, infertility or pre-term delivery later in life. There can also be discomfort, embarrassment or, less commonly, pain during the screening test. There is a very small chance of getting incorrect results, which could lead to abnormalities being missed or to unnecessary distress and treatment. There is also a chance of unnecessary treatment occurring if the abnormalities would have corrected themselves naturally. Some of the treatments that are used to remove abnormal cells may increase the risk of premature delivery in pregnancy.

Undoubtedly, there is still extensive debate in the medical profession about whether tests on young women would have the desired impact. In 2009, the British Medical Journal released a paper on the effectiveness of cervical screening with age, which concluded:

“Cervical screening in women aged 20-24 has little or no impact on rates of invasive cervical cancer up to age 30. Some uncertainly still exists regarding its impact on advanced stage tumours in women under age 30. By contrast, screening older women leads to a substantial reduction in incidence of and mortality from cervical cancer.”

For that reason, it is important to reiterate that the motion does not call for routine screening for under-25s.

I believe that it is the duty of any Health Minister to adhere to the medical advice that is presented to the Department. To my knowledge, no new evidence has emerged that is substantial enough to change the Government’s position on screening ages. I believe that, at this juncture, it would be prudent to follow the decision of the Advisory Committee on Cervical Screening in 2009 to reaffirm the policy that the age for routine screening should remain at 25. However, although it is right that politicians should not ride roughshod over medical experts, it is the job of Health Ministers to examine the orthodoxy of the day, to keep matters such as age restrictions under constant review if new evidence emerges and to scrutinise international patterns and comparisons.

I must mention that I am not a medical expert. My opinions are predicated on what I have read and learned about the subject. The debates on either side of the screening argument need to be qualified by further research. I believe that there are steps that the Minister can take right now to address those concerns and the concerns that have been highlighted by Sophie’s death. For me, the Minister should get to work on five things immediately.

First, the Government should address the online advice and guidance that is available to young women and girls who suspect that they have the symptoms of cervical cancer. At present, it is far from adequate. In the course of my research for this debate, I was amazed at the total non-existence of good online advice for young women who suspect that they are displaying the symptoms of cervical cancer. Despite young people having a higher propensity to use the internet to access information than most adults over the age of 30, there is an absence of advice on what steps should be taken by young people who are concerned that they are exhibiting the symptoms and on the support that is available. On the NHS “Your health, your choices” website, there is no mention of what young girls or teenagers should do. Instead, there is a vague information section on smear tests for over-25s. Users of the Public Health England website are forced to wade through pages and pages of material and to follow hyperlink after hyperlink before they finally find the information that they need in the frequently asked questions section. It appears that some of the information online—

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Baron]

The Minister is nodding—kindly, I think. I thank her for that in one respect.

The solution that the all-party group came up with was to focus on outcomes. We could bombard the NHS with a lot of targets to try to encourage earlier diagnosis, but instead we decided to focus on one outcome measure—the one-year survival rate, broken down by CCG—as a driver towards earlier diagnosis.

[Alison McGovern]

Given some of the specific details that we have heard, does the hon. Gentleman agree that the all-party group’s approach of not setting a lot of targets but instead focusing on outcomes might enable groups of GPs to make themselves more aware of symptoms that have been missed in the case that we have discussed and in similar cases?

[Mr Baron]

That is absolutely right. When it comes to cervical cancer, all the figures suggest that if it is caught early, 95% to 98% of patients can reach the one-year point. That figure falls away significantly if it is not caught early enough. The hon. Lady is right that the idea behind one-year survival rates, broken down by CCG, is to encourage earlier diagnosis. It is intended to encourage CCGs to introduce local initiatives to address the points that the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton made about late diagnosis. We all know that late diagnosis makes for poor one-year figures, so putting the one-year figures up in lights, broken down by CCG, means that we can see clearly which CCGs are underperforming. The cancer community and politicians can therefore come together and put pressure on those CCGs to raise their game.

As the hon. Member for Wirral South suggests, there could be a range of initiatives, such as better awareness campaigns, whether on cervical or other cancers, better diagnostics in primary care or better GP training—the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton made the point that the GP in the case in question missed the diagnosis. There could be a range of local measures, and to answer the point that the hon. Member for Wirral South made, it would be up to the CCG to tailor-make those initiatives to address the needs of its individual area. That is what those figures are about and, for the first time, we will have the opportunity to hold underperforming CCGs to account when it comes to late diagnosis. Late diagnosis makes for poor one-year figures, and when those figures are broken down by CCG, we will know which ones are failing to do more to raise their game on early diagnosis.

In conclusion, I have one or two questions for the Minister. First, I managed to secure from the Prime Minister at Prime Minister’s Questions an assurance that the one-year figures will be published in June. I asked that question because those figures were due out in January but then postponed to the spring, I think, and then postponed again. Will the Minister assure the House that we are still on course for their publication in June this year?

Secondly—the Minister knows what is coming— can we throw any more light on how we can hold underperforming CCGs to account? There is no point in having one-year cancer survival figures broken down by CCG if there are no systems in place to ensure that CCGs that underperform are held accountable and encouraged to raise their game. There is no point having the tools in the toolbox if we do nothing with them. Will the Minister enlighten the House about whether there has been any further thought on that issue since we last raised it in this place back in February?

I know that the all-party group’s report, “Cancer Across the Domains”, is on the Minister’s desk at the moment, and I hope she will say a few words about how quickly we will get a response—we look forward to that. In direct relevance to the point made by the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton about GPs and the challenges of improving earlier diagnosis, will the Minister say whether there are any other initiatives by the Department of Health or NHS England to look at earlier diagnosis, apart from the one-year figures? For example, GPs are recompensed through the quality and outcomes framework system, and I think I am right in suggesting that the QOF system deals with everything when it comes to cancer post-diagnosis, but there is nothing to encourage earlier diagnosis.

Finally, I mention briefly the all-party group’s reception on 8 July, which will highlight the importance of those one-year figures. In summary, for the first time we will have the tools in the toolbox to hold underperforming CCGs accountable when it comes to earlier diagnosis. We must make use of those tools, and the cancer community, politicians, and everyone else must be aware of their importance—I am confident that they will be. If we embrace the concept fully and focus on outcomes and the one-year figures, we have the potential to save, quite literally, thousands of lives a year in this country.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

It is an honour to contribute to this important debate, and I welcome to the House of Commons today Sophie’s mum, Peri, her sisters Chelsea and Ashleigh, and other members of her family. I have been very proud to be involved in this campaign to highlight what happened to Sophie, who was my constituent. I think I am right in saying that this has been the biggest ever e-petition, which I think represents a real change in the way we do our politics in this country. Long gone are the days when only certain people in this place could call on us to hold debates here and only the Government said what we would talk about. In Sophie’s name, her very many friends and family have brought us here to talk about these issues today. That is a massively important change in our politics, alongside the important issue we are discussing.

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton (Steve Rotheram)—even though he keeps saying that I am the hon. Member for Wirral West, which I am not; I’ll have a row with him about that later—on having initiated this extremely important debate. As I have said before, it is very important for men in Britain, as well as women, to care about women’s cancers, and I will say more about that and about awareness. I make a plea, however, for all my male colleagues, as dads, brothers and friends of women as much as anything else, to ensure that they know the symptoms of cervical cancer and other women’s cancers, and to support their sisters, friends and mums if they have any concerns. That is important.

I begin my contribution by borrowing the words of Peri, Sophie’s mum, which she has allowed me to do. She characterised what Sophie was like in a really brilliant way:

“She was an amazing daughter, sister, girlfriend and friend, a live wire with a huge heart, the glue that held our family together. Her attitude to life was to live it to the best and her positivity shone through to everyone so as you couldn’t help but smile”.

I think those are lovely words about Sophie, and it is in her name that we all come here today. I know I represent all my constituents when I offer their condolences to Sophie’s friends and family, and I feel sure that the many thousands of people who signed the e-petition did so because they wanted to show that they cared about what happened to her. Members might be interested to know that friends and family have also organised fundraising events—they did so before Sophie died—and are taking care of all her family. That is a truly great thing.

Sophie had high aspirations for her life, and she had hopes and plans. She was clearly a vibrant, clever, beautiful young woman with her whole life ahead of her. She attended her GP surgery as she had been suffering for months with symptoms such as stomach pains and various things, and it seems that her request for a smear test was refused on the basis of her age. My hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton has gone through those issues in some detail. It seems that Sophie was diagnosed with Crohn’s disease, but her health continued to deteriorate until she was eventually diagnosed with cervical cancer and very tragically died in March, just 19 years old.

The disease is rare in younger women, but in this case a smear test would have been important. Sadly, this is not the first case to come to light in which a young woman has died of cervical cancer following such events. Mercedes Curnow died aged 23 in 2011, and reports suggest that she too had requested a smear test. Another young woman, Becky Ryder, was 26. Thankfully, such cases are few and far between, and we are grateful for that; none the less we will all understand the tragic scenario that friends and family face when a young woman faces such a serious disease. Even though the numbers are relatively small, it is important that we take the issue seriously.

Approximately 3,000 cases of cervical cancer are diagnosed in the United Kingdom every year. While there are groups of people such as women under 25 among whom cervical cancer is rare, it does occur. I understand that there are approximately 2.5 cases of cervical cancer for every 100,000 women under 25 years old. It is thankfully rare, but very serious for those people who face it. How can we help GPs to pick up the symptoms of something so rare? A balance has to be struck, but it is important to raise GPs’ awareness of such conditions—rare though they are, they do happen.

There are potential risks in screening women under 25, which have been mentioned. The consequences of unnecessary screening can cause problems in later life, which is why the medical community has had such a discussion about the point at which screening should be done. As politicians, our first regard must be for the medical evidence, and we would never ride roughshod over that, but one thing that we have perhaps not always got right is making information available to people and accepting that people should be trusted with that information. The NHS is very good at giving advice and telling people what they should be doing, but much less good at giving information to help people to make their own informed decisions. The e-petition is about choice and how we ensure that people have the information they need to make the choice for themselves. I understand that Dr Moss of the Advisory Committee on Cervical screening has argued that volunteering to have the test should be an option. If someone does make that request and is turned away, it could cause a very negative response when they are invited for the test later. I know that Sophie was one of the youngest victims of this devastating disease, and such requests would be rare, but people should have the choice.

The debate is an opportunity to talk about the importance of smear tests. We have all had the invitation and thought, “Oh goodness, I’m not really sure I want to go for that.” But it is vitally important that people have the test if invited, and I hope this debate will make people think about the importance of having a smear test. Cervical cancer is a real problem, and the hon. Member for Basildon and Billericay (Mr Baron) rightly talked about early diagnosis and said that that was a problem across various types of cancer. The biggest challenge we face in fighting cancer is getting people to come forward early, and my view is that that is more of a problem in areas of social deprivation. I know from Merseyside, my home patch, that in such areas people are likely to have busy lives, perhaps less awareness, and a bit less confidence and are perhaps working shifts. They may be concerned about symptoms but put their concerns aside, for whatever reason, and the possibility of diagnosis gets later and later.

We need to recognise the differential prevalence of late diagnosis in different areas, and we should ask what we can do to recognise and address the various social and economic factors that can cause late diagnosis.

[Lyn Brown (West Ham) (Lab)]

I am listening to my hon. Friend’s speech with interest and she anticipates many of the points that I want to make. Does she agree that women often put themselves last, behind their family, and there are always other pressing issues to be dealt with rather than a routine cervical smear? Somehow we have to get it across that the smear test is as important as anything else they have to do.

[Alison McGovern]

In my slightly cack-handed way, that is what I was trying to say. Women are incredibly good at putting off things that concern our own health, which is why it is important that our brothers, fathers, husbands and friends encourage us to be concerned about our health and to look after ourselves. It is also important that we make the point today about the importance of smear tests. People should have a choice and be able to talk to their GP about having a test if they need one, and if invited to be screened, they should take up the invitation.

[Mr Baron]

The hon. Lady correctly makes the point that we can do more about the disparity in late diagnosis. By focusing on the one-year cancer survival figures by CCG, we can also come together—whether as cancer charities, the cancer community or as politicians—to focus on the under-performing CCGs and ask why that is happening, in the hope that they will themselves introduce initiatives at the local level to drive forward earlier diagnosis. I hope she recognises that that will be an important element of our battle against late diagnosis.

[Alison McGovern]

I agree with the hon. Gentleman. As I said, Merseyside has a particular issue with cancer, and I feel sure that some of that is to do with late diagnosis that arises from aspects of people’s daily lives. We need to think how we can engage with people in a way that does not depend on their having already some amazing knowledge about the possible symptoms. Many people in my family have had cancer, so we would know, but many people do not know. It can be incredibly stressful to take the first step of going to the GP and saying, “I am really worried. What tests can I have?” We need to encourage CCGs to look at the local conditions and figure out how to get through to the public in their area. The all-party group on cancer has led on that, and I fully support that work.

Another important aspect is broader cultural change. We need a culture change in the NHS in two respects, and Sophie’s case has caused me to reflect on how the NHS works. First, it is important that we talk about women’s health. Women are very good at putting themselves last and putting off the visit to the GP or the smear test that they need. We have seen the great success of breast cancer and other awareness campaigns, and we need to do the same with some of the less well-known cancers, whose symptoms are less well-known. We need a real focus on women’s cancers to try to improve everybody’s knowledge of them. I realise that it is not always easy to talk about periods and so on. Women are very good at hiding such issues and just coping with them, but we need to talk about symptoms. It is also crucial that GPs are aware of possible symptoms. I have learnt from Sophie’s family and friends, and others in Wirral, that the big barrier is ensuring that GPs understand better what they should be looking for and what advice they should be giving to people who come to them with worries or concerns. I know that some excellent GPs are wrestling with that question. People should not be made overly concerned, but if we had more of a culture of giving people information and helping them to make their own decisions, it would help them to feel more empowered.

The second culture change that I would like to see in the NHS is the NHS listening to young women, who are often dismissed in our society. Colleagues have done great work on women’s representation in the media, and I think we have a cultural issue with the place and value of young women that sometimes presents itself in our health service. Too often in the NHS—this is, I am afraid, something I know from my own experience—young women are given advice and told, or at worst instructed, what to do about their health, which is totally disempowering. There are lots of forces in society that are set up to undermine young women, so please let us not have the NHS be one of them. Let us rethink how we identify symptoms early and get people the tests they need. Rather than trying to instruct people, we need to listen to them, respect them, provide them with information and help them to find their own way to the right treatment. In serious cases such as Sophie’s, there are clear worries. More broadly, there is no future for a health service that thinks it can tell people; it has to empower people to make their own decisions.

In conclusion, Sophie’s family and friends started the petition and all signed it, which has brought us to this debate. They have shown tremendous courage at what must be a difficult time. They want to see the change outlined by my hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton. The public across the country have signed the e-petition—this has been a national campaign—and have brought the issue to the top of the agenda. That shows how important it is and how much cancer affects family life. We are asking for women to be given more choice over their own health, no matter what their age, and for them to feel more empowered. This was a tragic event. We feel the loss of Sophie in our community. It sparked an outpouring of grief and we must do better to make sure it is less likely to happen again.

This is Sophie’s debate and we remember and honour her. In her name, I ask that we resolve to make whatever changes are necessary to make this less likely to happen to anyone else. Cancer is a terrible disease, but we are now more able to diagnose, control and contain it than we have ever been. We can win this fight against cancer, so let us all recommit ourselves to do more, to help others and to make sure that we take care of everybody in our society.

[Several hon. Members]

rose—

Type 1 Diabetes (Young People)

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Wednesday 30th April 2014 Westminster Hall

[Mr George Howarth (Knowsley) (Lab)]

May I take the usual step of thanking you for chairing this sitting, Mr Havard? I know that that is something of a ritual, but on this occasion I am sincere. You may be aware that I was originally on the list to chair this sitting, so you have saved me the embarrassment of having to congratulate myself.

I begin with some acknowledgements. I am particularly grateful to the staff and patients at the diabetes centre at Aintree university hospital and the specialist diabetes services team at St Helens and Knowsley. I also thank the young people with diabetes who took the time to speak to me; the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation; Diabetes UK; Diabetics with Eating Disorders, known as DWED; Circle D; and Dr Mike Merriman in my constituency.

I sought this debate on behalf of children with type 1 diabetes in the UK, but I should point out that the condition does not affect children only. There are 400,000 people of all ages with type 1 diabetes in the UK and, currently, 35,000 children and young people have diabetes, 93% of whom have type 1 diabetes. It is important that we understand the difference between type 1 and type 2 diabetes, because, all too often, the two conditions are dealt with in the media as though they were one and the same thing. For example, a prominent businessman, Jim Ratcliffe, was recently quoted in The Sunday Times as saying:

“Childhood diabetes didn’t exist when I was growing up. It was an old man’s disease. But now lots of kids have diabetes. They are eating so much sugar that by the time they are 16, the pancreas is giving up the ghost”.

That is quite simply a misunderstanding of type 1 or childhood diabetes. Type 1 diabetes has absolutely no connection to dietary habits or a lack of exercise; it is an auto-immune condition and, as such, cannot be prevented. All people who suffer from type 1 diabetes have to deal with the consequences, which, for the most part, are inescapable and unremitting. A daily battle must be conducted to maintain blood glucose level within the medically safe range, balancing food and insulin intake, while taking into account physical activity, stress levels and temperature.

Young diabetics can take up to eight daily insulin injections and often have to perform invasive blood testing even more frequently. Yet according to research by JDRF, even those who stick rigidly to the prescribed regime will fall outside the medically safe range on more than three occasions in any 24-hour period.

Not staying within safe blood glucose levels has consequences. In the short term, high levels, which are known as hyperglycaemia, at the very least cause fatigue, and continued high levels can lead to diabetic ketoacidosis—known as DKA—which is a potentially fatal condition. Longer-term consequences include heart disease, kidney failure, neuropathy, blindness and amputations. Low blood glucose levels, known as hypoglycaemia, cause dizziness, incoherence and potential loss of consciousness and are often followed by severe headaches.

Blood glucose levels can alter dramatically, and apparently inexplicably, at any time of the day or night and require immediate attention. According to research undertaken by the National Paediatric Diabetes Audit, 85% of children and young people aged over 12 with diabetes have blood glucose levels higher than the recommended targets. That is perhaps unsurprising, because only 6% of those in that sample received the recommended care, services and support to which they were entitled.

Some children are diagnosed with diabetes in infancy, or when they are too young to take responsibility for managing their condition. Inevitably, the responsibility must be taken by family members, most commonly parents. For many families, having a child with type 1 diabetes affects them all and many adjustments have to be made to support that young person. As one young type 1 diabetes sufferer told me recently, until she was 18, she was almost entirely dependent on her mother monitoring her blood glucose and ensuring that she injected the right amount of insulin at the right time.

In advance of this debate, people contacted me about difficulties they have experienced with the Department for Work and Pensions and the disability living allowance system. Some of the problems raised arise from the fact that the DWP does not fully understand the complex needs of young people with type 1 diabetes. I would be grateful if the Minister raised that with the relevant Minister at the DWP to see whether that could be satisfactorily resolved.

Two young type 1 diabetics, Lauren and Nicole, both told me that they had experienced bullying at school as a result of their condition. Nicole, who is 16, states that she

“frequently experienced bullying because of my diabetes and because everyone thought it was because I was fat”.

Several young people have commented on the embarrassment that they feel at having to inject insulin in public. In some cases, they have been referred to as drug addicts, or been asked not to inject or test their blood, as others find it offensive.

I made two visits recently to the diabetes centre at Aintree university hospital and the specialist diabetes services team at St Helens and Knowsley Teaching Hospitals NHS Trust, both of which provide outstanding services for type 1 diabetics. They have a different range of specialisms to call on beyond the use of nurse specialists and diabetologists. For example, they can refer to psychological or, where appropriate, psychiatric services.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

I pay tribute to the work that my right hon. Friend has done in this area. Before he moves off the stigma issue, does he agree that we need to think about how we can raise awareness among young people? Does he also agree that social media organisations need to be responsible but not afraid about stigma arising from the use of needles and so on? We need to talk frankly and honestly about type 1 diabetes and its consequences for young people, so that those with the condition do not feel in any sense as though they must hide away.

[Mr Howarth]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that intervention. She is quite right to say that social media has an important role to play. I will say more about that shortly, but one example was drawn to my attention where Facebook removed an image of someone injecting on the grounds that that was offensive. That is offensive, but not in the way that it thought. I will say something more positive about how social media can be used in a few moments, but it is important that more people understand exactly what we are saying.

I was talking about psychiatric services. On a national scale, psychological support is not necessarily integrated into the diabetic service, and the practitioners are therefore unlikely to have sufficient understanding of diabetes. Psychiatric services are even more difficult to access, and I am told that patients can wait up to two years for an appointment. In some cases, that is a matter of life and death. The diabetes attitudes, wishes and needs survey, known as DAWN, published in Diabetic Medicine, interviewed 15,000 people in 17 countries and found that people with diabetes are more likely to suffer from depression. Those services are therefore very important.

I want to say a little about young people with type 1 diabetes who also have an eating disorder. According to the charity Diabetics with Eating Disorders, as many as 40% of young women between the ages of 15 and 30 admit taking insulin as a means of achieving weight reduction. The phenomenon sometimes referred to—although it is not a medical term—as diabulimia is increasing. Rapid weight loss is achieved when diabetes is left untreated, but the consequences can be catastrophic. DKA, a potentially fatal condition where the body turns on itself for energy, rapidly develops. Even if it does not prove fatal, it can result in serious health complications.

Diabulimia is difficult to diagnose and there are no current NHS guidelines on how to deal with the issue. Young people can be treated for their diabetes and for an eating disorder, but there is no integrated thinking to cover the two elements of care. Yet the treatment for a diabetic with an eating disorder is quite different from that for a person without diabetes. DWED has provided an example of a young woman who was admitted to a unit dealing with eating disorders, where no insulin needles were available and where the patient was fed via a tube without any insulin being administered. That exacerbated the problem that the unit was supposed to be treating.

There is a clear need for a more integrated service, with mental health professionals who have a knowledge of diabetes. A further and tragic example from DWED illustrates the point well. Jane, the mother of Rhys, a young man who was suffering from diabulimia, repeatedly requested that he be assessed psychiatrically. She did so every time her son was admitted to A and E suffering acute DKA, which happened on several occasions. She repeatedly raised it with the diabetes clinic and with the community mental health team. Unfortunately, her pleas were ignored, despite her saying that she was terrified that she would find her son “dead in bed”, and her son lost his battle with diabulimia on 25 July 2009. The ombudsman concluded that

“had a more coordinated and holistic care plan been put place it might have resulted in a different outcome.”

Jane has been fighting for recognition since 2009, and says that there was never an investigation into why her son died, which she attributed to his mental health problems. That was another complaint upheld by the ombudsman.

There is a serious need for a much more integrated service, so that all aspects of the treatment of type 1 diabetes can be dealt with together. There must be greater investment to ensure that emotional and psychological support becomes an accepted and routine part of management for all children with diabetes and that appropriate services are in place. Incorporating psychological services with routine clinic visits would avoid much of the stigma associated with treatment for mental health problems. In addition to regular clinic attendances, young diabetics require separate appointments for special eye checks and chiropody. Those should be available under one roof in an effort to improve the care achieved.

I am grateful that the urgent need to improve access to and integration of services is now being recognised with the introduction of the best practice tariff for paediatric diabetes. From April this year, the standards included in the best practice tariff are mandatory for all paediatric diabetes units, and the tariff has been extended to cover in-patient care, which will hopefully incentivise lower admission rates. However, I would argue that the best practice tariff should be extended to include all young patients up to the age of 25. Each young person is different, and transition from child to adult services must happen at a stage and time appropriate to them. The current cut-off for the tariff is 19, but the available data suggest that that is too soon, because 25% of all hospital admissions for diabetic ketoacidosis involve young people aged 16 to 25; the annual cost is £5.3 million. Extending the best practice tariff to 25 would provide an opportunity for better alignment of the service with the needs of young people.

Care Bill [Lords]

Alison McGovern Excerpts

Monday 10th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Liz Kendall]

If the right hon. Gentleman reads our new clause 18, he will see what our approach is. Local councils commissioning social care and having to fulfil their obligations under the Bill will need to look at employment terms and conditions. We have tabled the new clause because unfortunately the Government are removing the Care Quality Commission’s role in assessing how well councils are commissioning services, which I think is a mistake.

[Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)]

Given the point my hon. Friend has just made, does she agree that it is all the more important that councils up and down the country follow the lead that Labour Wirral has shown in sticking to the principles of Unison’s ethical care charter, which tries to rid us of 15-minute appointments and limit zero-hours contracts?

[Liz Kendall]

I know about the approach that has been taken in Wirral and think that it is an excellent example. If we kept the CQC’s role in assessing how well councils are commissioning services, that is just the sort of thing that it would be able to spread. It is a real problem that that role is being removed. We will come later to our amendments that seek to return it to the CQC.

I will now turn to a group of new clauses on how better to identify and support carers. They stand in the name of Opposition Front Benchers, but really they are the work of my hon. Friend the Member for Worsley and Eccles South (Barbara Keeley), who has made sterling efforts in this regard. We have tabled them to give carers the focus and attention they deserve. They pick up on some of the points that the right hon. Member for Sutton and Cheam (Paul Burstow) made. New clause 19 would ensure that all health bodies have effective procedures in place to identify people who are or are about to become carers and ensure that they get the help and advice they need. New clause 20 would require local authorities to take all reasonable steps to ensure that schools in their area identify young carers and put support in place. New clause 21 would require universities and colleges to do the same.

As the right hon. Member for Sutton and Cheam said, family carers—unpaid family members looking after the people they love—are the absolute backbone of our care system. They need and deserve more support. They are looking after their relatives because they want to, but they really need help. One in five family carers provide more than 50 hours of care every single week, and their own health suffers as a result. One in three have to give up work or reduce their hours, which means their income suffers and the cost to the taxpayer goes up.

The Bill puts in place welcome new rights for carers, building on the approach taken by the previous Labour Government, but they will be meaningless if carers are not identified in the first place. Many carers do not actually come into contact with local authorities. Macmillan Cancer Support has made a powerful case, showing that 95% of the over 900,000 carers of people with cancer in England have not received a carer’s assessment—only one in three of them have even heard of it. That is because they are mostly in touch with the health system. Unfortunately, hospitals and GPs still do far too little to identify carers of people who have cancer and other conditions, such as stroke and heart disease. I understand that GPs identify only around 7% of carers, and other health professionals, particularly in hospitals, identify only one in 10. We need clear duties on those bodies and proper processes in place, because too often at the moment there is just a tick-box approach. I recently had to move GP practice, and the form I filled out contained two pages on how much alcohol I drank, which was welcome, and a little box that asked, “Are you a carer?” I knew what that meant—but did it mean a paid care worker, or a health care worker? That is not good enough and needs to be thought through.

I also stress the need to do far more to identify young carers, who we know can see their lives and life chances suffer because of what they do to help look after sick or disabled parents. Many schools might not understand if kids are not doing their homework or not turning up on time because of their responsibilities. If young carers are lucky enough to get to university or college, they may find their studies hard because they are travelling to and from home to try to help support their loved ones. We believe there should be clear duties on those bodies to identify young carers.

New clauses 22, 23 and 24 are about getting people the right financial advice—an issue we discussed a lot in Committee. The Bill introduces a new and complicated system of social care funding with the so-called cap on care costs and new deferred payment schemes. It is complicated and I have lost track of the number of times people have said to me, “Well, it’s okay because at least my care costs will be capped at £72,000 now”, and I have to go through the process of explaining to them that that is not actually the case. People are unaware of the new system, and if they are looking at financial products to help them cope with later costs, they need decent financial advice.

Currently, financial advisers must have studied a range of different financial and regulatory subjects, and they must sign up to a statement of professional standing and a code of ethics and conduct. Has the Minister talked to the Financial Conduct Authority about whether the training of financial advisers should change as a result of the Bill? Is he confident that all financial advisers can give people advice about the products they might want to take out to protect themselves against future costs, on the basis of the Bill?

I am concerned that unless people get high quality, proper financial advice, we could be in for another mis-selling scandal because the issue is complicated. People will have to figure out how much their average local authority rate will be for their area in five, six or seven years’ time, and how different that will be from what private providers charge. Will people’s care needs enable them to start counting towards the cap on care costs if they are not defined as “substantial”, as under current eligibility criteria? I would struggle to figure out all those finances, and we must ensure that financial advisers are properly trained.

New clause 22 states:

“The Financial Services Consumer Panel at the Financial Conduct Authority”

should publish an annual report on the

“availability, quality…and effectiveness of financial advice”

available to care users and their families. New clause 23 states that the FCA should consider raising the level of qualifications that financial advisers must have. We must ensure that people get high quality financial advice so that they are not mis-sold any products.

We also want much greater efforts to raise public awareness of the new capped cost model introduced by the Bill. Under the Bill, local authorities have a duty to raise awareness, but new clause 24 would make that much stronger and require them

“to prepare, publish, consult on and implement”

a proper plan for raising awareness among their local residents. That is important so that people know about the new system and what it means for them.

I support new clause 11, which would ensure that all users of publicly funded or arranged care have direct protection under the Human Rights Act 1998. Under the law as it stands, the fundamental protection and access to individual redress offered by the Act are not applied equally in all care settings. In the other place, Lord Low tabled the former clause 48, which sought to close that loophole. There was a long discussion on it in Committee—the clause was passed in the House of Lords but the Government voted to remove it in Committee. The Minister’s argument was that it went too far, because it would mean that the Human Rights Act applied to entirely privately funded and arranged care. He also claimed that the clause was not needed because the CQC could deal with the problems.