Finance (No. 2) Bill

Abena Oppong-Asare Excerpts

2nd reading
Tuesday 16th November 2021 Commons Chamber

[Abena Oppong-Asare (Erith and Thamesmead) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to respond to this debate for the official Opposition. It is noticeable that the Government could convince only one of their Back Benchers to turn up to defend their Finance Bill. This has been a short but good debate, with many thoughtful speeches, and I thank all the hon. Members who have taken part—in particular, my hon. Friends the Members for Bethnal Green and Bow (Rushanara Ali) and for Brentford and Isleworth (Ruth Cadbury), and my right hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell), as well as the hon. Members for Glenrothes (Peter Grant), for Gordon (Richard Thomson), for Edinburgh West (Christine Jardine) and for Broadland (Jerome Mayhew).

The hon. Member for Broadland highlighted the importance of local communities. I look forward to scrutinising the details of the alcohol duty changes in due course.

My hon. Friend the Member for Bethnal Green and Bow spoke powerfully about the Bill’s failure to boost growth, increase living standards and tackle the climate crisis. I will return to those points shortly. She also made a very important point about wasteful Government spending and the dodgy contracts that have been given out during the pandemic.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington made a number of important points, including about fairness in the tax base, the Government’s reforms to the tonnage tax and local authority finances. I hope that the Minister can answer the specific questions that he asked about reforms to local government funding.

My hon. Friend the Member for Brentford and Isleworth spoke passionately about the cost-of-living crisis and how she has spoken to many constituents about the hardship that they face. She talked about the reality of what the Government are doing on universal credit and the shameful food and poverty crisis in this country. She also made important points about the loan charge, and I hope that the Minister will respond properly to the points that several Members made on that issue.

This Finance Bill is a product of the Government’s economic failings over the past 11 years. At the Budget, the OBR forecast growth averaging just 1.3% in the final years of the forecast period, which follows a measly 1.8% in the decade leading up to the pandemic. As my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing North (James Murray) said, we can compare that with Labour’s record of growth of 2.3% a year when we were in power. The Conservatives are a party of low growth and the Government have no plan for growth. Working people are paying the price for that failure. They are paying the price in increased national insurance contributions and the freeze in income tax personal allowances. They are paying the price through the cut to universal credit. They are paying the price through lower wages, with real wages on course to be more than £10 an hour lower in 2026 than if the pre-2008 trend had continued. And they are paying the price through inflation that is hurting family finances, with food, heating and petrol all more expensive.

Yesterday, a member of the Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee told the Treasury Committee that consumers are spending an increasing proportion of their incomes on food and energy. They made the point that businesses may struggle with the rising cost of materials and labour because consumers will not have additional disposable income to spend. Does the Finance Bill include measures to help people with the cost-of-living crisis? Does it reduce the burden of taxes on those who can least afford to pay? Does it encourage investment and boost growth? The answer is no. Like the Budget that it stems from, the Bill has no plans to tackle the cost-of-living crisis, no plan to grow our economy and no plan to help businesses to succeed.

Instead, the Government’s priorities in the Budget and the Bill are to cut taxes on the banks and make domestic flights cheaper. It is beyond belief that in a Budget just days before COP26 began in Glasgow, the Chancellor chose to cut domestic air passenger duty. I am afraid that that is yet further evidence that the Treasury is not serious about our net zero commitment. Clause 6 will slash the corporation tax surcharge for banking companies from up to 8% to 3% and will raise the surcharge allowance from £25 million to £100 million. Those are the wrong priorities for an increasingly out-of-touch Government.

Labour’s priorities are different. We would use the Finance Bill to bring down energy bills with a cut in VAT on domestic energy; to tackle the climate crisis, rather than making it worse; and to fundamentally reform business rates to help businesses in every part of the country.

With the transition to net zero, the Government seem intent on leaving individuals and businesses to meet the costs on their own, without recognising the opportunity for growth and jobs. Labour knows that investment can unlock good jobs across the country, while helping households to cut bills and keep their homes warm. On business rates, Labour has put forward proposals for fundamental reform, while the Government have broken their promise to do so.

This week, research by the Resolution Foundation found that business investment in the UK lags behind that in countries with higher productivity. Business capital investment in Britain was 10% of gross domestic product in 2019, compared with 13% on average in the United States, Germany and France. There are many reasons for that, including the Government’s patchwork Brexit deal, but the Bill does nothing to help to boost investment.

Labour’s plan for replacing business rates will introduce a system that will incentivise investment, reward businesses moving into empty premises and encourage environmental improvements. Our climate investment pledge will encourage billions in private finance, and unlike Government Ministers, we have a real plan for growth.

No doubt at further stages there will be considerably more to say about other clauses, but I would like to make a few points now. On the residential property developer tax in part 2, we support the principle of taxing the largest developers to pay for the cost of removing unsafe cladding, but we are concerned that the levy alone will not be enough. The Select Committee on Housing, Communities and Local Government estimates that there is a gap of £13 billion between the £2 billion that the levy is expected to raise and the £15 billion cost of works—and it has been reported that the rising cost of works as a result of the Tory supply chain crisis will wipe out much of the £2 billion.

Can the Exchequer Secretary confirm who will meet the gap? Labour is clear that it should not be the leaseholders. The Government must ensure that those who are responsible for putting dangerous material on buildings pay their fair share. Time and again, the Government’s handling of the cladding crisis has left leaseholders on the hook. The Government must finally get a grip on the problem and help the thousands of people who, shamefully, are still living in unsafe accommodation.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington raised the measures on tax avoidance. We support the principle behind the new economic crime levy, which will raise funds to pay for measures to tackle money laundering. Can the Exchequer Secretary tell us more about how the levy will be spent? Does she think that it will be enough to implement the measures in the economic crime plan?

My hon. Friend the Member for Ealing North made several critical points about other measures to fight economic crime. Will the Exchequer Secretary confirm exactly when the Government will introduce the vital legislation on the register of overseas entities? “When parliamentary time allows” is simply not good enough, when the Government first announced the policy in 2016. As my hon. Friend for Ealing North said earlier, it is notable that the momentum to implement the measure seems to have disappeared since the current Prime Minister took office. We know that this Prime Minister is no fan of transparency or of playing by the rules, but we are facing a crisis of dirty money and corruption—and not all of it is in relation to the Cabinet. The Pandora Papers show how many shell companies are laundering money in this country and buying up luxury properties. We will use the further stages of the Bill to push the Government to do more about economic crime and tax avoidance.

This is a Finance Bill that fails to rise to the challenges we face. It contains nothing to make up for the years of low growth over which this Government have presided, nothing to tackle the climate crisis or to unlock opportunities that the transition to net zero brings, and nothing to ease the growing tax burden on working people. Indeed, the Government have used this Finance Bill to cut taxes on banks rather than cutting them for working people.

The truth is that the Government’s failure on growth means less money for public services while the Government increasingly take more from people’s pay packets. In contrast, Labour has a plan to grow the economy, to invest sustainably in the jobs of the future, and to make our tax system fair. It is for this reason that we will not support the Bill tonight, and I urge all hon. Members to vote against it.

Finance (No. 2) Bill (Second sitting)

Abena Oppong-Asare Excerpts

Committee stage
Tuesday 14th December 2021 Public Bill Committees

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lucy Frazer)]

Clause 23 extends the time for payment of capital gains tax on property disposals from 30 days to 60 days, as well as clarifying the rules for mixed-use properties. It will affect disposals that have a completion date on or after 27 October 2021. Since April 2020, UK resident persons disposing of UK residential property where capital gains tax is due have been required to notify and pay the tax within 30 days of their sale completing.

Most people are not affected by the requirement because the sale of main homes is exempt from capital gains tax through private residence relief. Non-UK resident persons have paid within 30 days since April 2015 for residential property and from April 2019 for disposals of both UK residential and non-residential property, even if they have no tax to pay. However, the Government recognise that having 30 days has not always allowed taxpayers enough time to settle their affairs. In recognition of that, the Government are extending the 30-day time limit to 60 days. The change was informed by taxpayer representations and comes in response to the Office of Tax Simplification report in May 2021, where increasing the time limit to 60 days was a key recommendation.

The measure allows taxpayers more time to produce and provide accurate figures, particularly in more complex cases, as well as sufficient time to engage with advisers. It also clarifies the rules for a UK resident person calculating the capital gains tax notionally chargeable for mixed-use properties. The changes made by clause 23 will, first, extend the time limit for capital gains tax payment on property disposals to 60 days following completion of the relevant disposal. Secondly, for UK residents, the changes clarify that when a gain arises in relation to a mixed-use property, only the portion of the gain that is the residential property gain is to be reported and paid within 60 days.

Increasing the time limit to 60 days will delay some revenue until later in the scorecard. That is because some capital gains tax payments will now be paid in a different tax year. The Office for Budget Responsibility expects the measure to move £80 million out of the scorecard to later years, with the majority incurred in 2021-22. The measure is expected to impact an estimated 75,000 individuals, trustees and personal representatives of deceased persons who sell or otherwise dispose of UK land and property each year.

In summary, those liable to pay capital gains tax will now have 60 days instead of 30 days to report and pay the tax due on UK land and property disposals. I commend the clause to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare (Erith and Thamesmead) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir Christopher. I want to say for the record that I believe Erith and Thamesmead is the best constituency. As the Minister has described, clause 23 relates to returns for the disposal of UK land. It extends the time limit for payment on property disposal from 30 days to 60 days, as well as clarifying the rules for mixed-use properties. As the Minister has rightly pointed out, that will affect disposals with completion dates on or after 27 October 2021.

A reporting and payment period for selling or otherwise disposing of an interest in UK land was initially introduced to help reduce errors and increase compliance. The measure increased the time available for taxpayers to report their disposals. The increase intends to allow more time for taxpayers to produce and provide accurate figures, which will be particularly helpful in more complex cases, as well as assuring sufficient time to engage with advisers. The change also clarifies the calculation for the capital gains tax notionally chargeable for mixed-use properties.

We do not oppose the doubling of the time period for reporting and paying capital gains tax on UK property. However, we remain concerned about the lack of awareness surrounding the reporting and paying process. I would be grateful if the Minister could outline the measures the Government will take to help individuals selling properties to be aware of their obligations and what support the Government will offer individuals struggling to access the stand-alone digital system for reporting those transactions.

[Lucy Frazer]

I am grateful to the Labour Front-Bench team for not opposing the measure, which is indeed very sensible. Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs regularly engages with all stakeholders and agents, who will therefore know about the change, but the hon. Lady makes an important point about communication, which we touched on this morning. I commend the clause to the Committee.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 23 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 24

Cross-border group relief

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

[Lucy Frazer]

Clause 24 makes changes to abolish cross-border group relief to ensure that loss relief is limited to UK losses, thereby providing relief only for companies that the UK can tax. It also amends the rules restricting the amount of losses foreign companies with a UK branch can surrender to UK companies, bringing companies resident in the European economic area in line with companies resident in the rest of the world.

Cross-border group relief provides UK companies with the ability to claim relief for the losses of their EEA resident group companies, even though the UK is unable to tax any profit made by those companies. The UK cross-border relief rules were introduced in 2006, owing to a 2005 decision by the Court of Justice of the European Union that found the previous rules to be incompatible with the EU freedom of establishment principle.

Under the current system, the UK Exchequer bears the cost of giving relief to UK companies for losses of EEA companies, as the latter pay no tax to the UK Government. The rules for restricting surrender of losses of a UK branch of a foreign company were also amended to be more favourable to EEA companies as a result of CJEU judgments. Favourable treatment for losses of EEA companies or UK branches of EEA companies is not right, and is inconsistent with our approach to the rest of the world, especially now that the UK has left the EU and is no longer bound by EU law.

Clause 24 will principally affect large, widely-held corporate groups, and will ensure both equal treatment of losses of companies in EEA and non-EEA countries and protection for the UK Exchequer against unfair outcomes. Historically, group relief was available only for losses of UK companies or UK branches, so the abolition of cross-border group relief and the alignment of branch rules is a reversion to a previously accepted position. Other countries generally do not give cross-border loss relief, so abolishing it would be very much in line with the international mainstream.

In summary, the change will allow the UK to depart from this historic position and more effectively pursue its fiscal policy objectives. I therefore commend the clause to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

As we have heard, clause 24 concerns cross-border group relief and is accompanied by schedule 4. The clause and schedule repeal legislation that provides for group relief for losses incurred outside the UK and amend legislation that provides for group relief for losses incurred in the UK permanent establishment of an EEA resident company.

Following the UK’s exit from the EU, the Government are bringing group relief relating to EEA resident companies into line with relief for non-UK companies resident elsewhere in the world. Claims involving companies established in the EEA are currently subject to more favourable rules in the UK relating to relief for non-UK losses and losses incurred by the UK permanent establishment of a foreign company.

These rules were introduced to give effect to the UK’s obligations as a member state of the EU. Having left the EU, the UK is no longer required to maintain those rules, and it is inconsistent to treat groups with EEA resident companies more favourably than those with companies resident elsewhere in the world. The clause therefore removes that inequality by aligning group relief rules for all non-UK companies.

The changes to legislation made by the clause broadly restore the group relief rules to what they were before separate rules were introduced for EEA resident companies in line with EU law. We do not oppose this measure, as it rightly removes an inequality between companies and contributes towards a level playing field.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury (Helen Whately)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Christopher.

Clause 25 reforms the UK’s tonnage tax regime from April 2022, with the aim that more firms will base their headquarters in the UK, using the UK’s world-leading maritime services industry and flying the UK flag. The UK tonnage tax regime was introduced in 2000 to improve the competitiveness of the UK shipping industry. It is a special elective corporation tax regime for operators of qualifying ships. Now that the UK has left the European Union, the Government will make substantive reforms to the regime for the first time since it was introduced, to help the UK shipping industry grow and compete in the global market. The reforms will make it easier for shipping companies to move to the UK, make sure that they are not disadvantaged compared to firms operating in other countries and reduce administrative burdens.

Clause 25 will make changes to the tonnage tax legislation contained in schedule 22 to the Finance Act 2000 to reform the regime from April 2022. Specifically, it will give effect to the following measures announced at the autumn Budget in 2021. The Government will give HMRC more discretion to admit companies to the regime outside the initial window of opportunity, where there is a good reason. The Government will reduce the lock-in period for companies participating in the tonnage tax regime from 10 to eight years, aligning the regime more closely with shipping cycles.

Now that the UK has left the EU, the Government will remove the consideration of flags from EU and EEA countries. Following this legislative change, HMRC will update its guidance to encourage the use of the UK flag by making it an important factor in assessing the value that companies who want to participate in tonnage tax will bring to the UK in the strategic and commercial management test. Finally, following the UK’s departure from the EU, the Bill will simplify a rule that may include distributions of related overseas shipping companies in relevant shipping profits.

These changes to modernise the tonnage tax regime will make sure that the UK’s maritime and shipping industries can compete in the global shipping market, bringing jobs and investment to nations and regions across the UK. I commend the clause to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for her explanation of clause 25, which makes amendments to the tonnage tax regime. Tonnage tax is a special elective corporation tax regime open to operators of qualifying ships that fulfil certain conditions. The amendments will have effect from 1 April next year. At the autumn Budget in 2021, the Government announced that they would introduce a package of measures to reform the UK’s tonnage tax regime from April 2022, which they say aims to ensure that the British shipping industry remains highly competitive in the global market. As part of the package, the Government say these amendments support their aim of simplifying the operation of tonnage tax legislation and making it more flexible following the UK’s departure from the European Union. Clause 25 gives effect to some of these measures by amending the tonnage tax legislation contained in schedule 22 to the Finance Act 2000, as the Minister said.

In his Budget speech on 27 October, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said:

“When we were in the old EU system, ships in the tonnage tax regime were required to fly the flag of an EU state, but that does not make sense for an independent nation. So I can announce today that our tonnage tax will, for the first time ever, reward companies for adopting the UK’s merchant shipping flag, the red ensign. That is entirely fitting for a country with such a proud maritime history as ours.”—[Official Report, 27 October 2021; Vol. 702, c. 282.]

--- Later in debate ---

[Helen Whately]

As I set out, the clause reforms the UK’s current tax regime to help the UK shipping industry grow and compete in a competitive global market. Overall, this will be to the benefit of our maritime industry and, therefore, to the UK as a whole, supporting GDP, tax revenues and jobs in the UK.

I will pick up on a couple of comments made by the Opposition Front-Bench spokespeople. On the points made by the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead, the clause is all about helping our shipping industry compete in a global market and making sure firms are not disadvantaged compared to those operating in other countries. It comes at a minimal cost to the Exchequer and we expect to see tax revenues in the sector increase as a result, because it will mean that more shipping groups are likely to headquarter in the UK. That will bring tax advantages and benefits to the UK, as well as tens of thousands of jobs that relate to that.

On the second point that the hon. Member made, I emphasise that the Treasury takes the recommendations of the Macpherson review very seriously and follows them in full. The reforms to our tax regime were rightly announced some months before they will come into force, in April next year.

The hon. Member for Glasgow Central talked about environmental factors. As part of the reforms, HMRC expects to update the guidance on assessing eligibility for the tonnage tax regime, and environmental factors will be considered as part of that, so it can help us on decarbonisation actions and ambitions.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for her explanations. Has an assessment been made of whether anyone profited as a result of the Chancellor’s premature announcement to the press? Has any assessment been carried out?

[Helen Whately]

I emphasise what I said a moment ago: the Treasury followed in full the approach that should be taken, as set out in the Macpherson review in 2013. The Government’s tonnage tax reforms will ensure that the UK’s maritime and shipping industries remain highly competitive and bolster our reputation as a great maritime nation.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 25 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 26

Amendments of section 259GB of TIOPA 2010

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

[Lucy Frazer]

Clause 26 makes a change to ensure that corporation tax rules for hybrids and other mismatches operate proportionately in relation to certain types of transparent entity. Following recommendations by the OECD, the UK was the first country to implement anti-hybrid rules in 2017. These rules tackle aggressive tax planning by multinational companies that seek to take advantage of differences in how jurisdictions view financial instruments and entities.

With the benefit of three years’ experience of operating the rules, and with other countries following suit and introducing their own version of the rules, the Government launched a wide-ranging consultation on this area of legislation at Budget 2020. Following that consultation, several amendments were made to the rules in the Finance Act 2021, but the change that we are now considering, relating to transparent entities, was withdrawn from that Bill to allow the Government additional time to consult stakeholders, so that they could ensure that the amendment had no unintended conse-quences.

We have had further engagement with stakeholders, and the amendment now provides for the specific change for transparent entities that the Government committed to making following last year’s consultation. The change made by the clause is technical and will impact multinational groups with a UK presence that are involved in transactions with certain types of entity that are seen as transparent, for tax purposes, in their home jurisdictions. Following the changes, this type of entity will be treated in the same way as partnerships in the relevant parts of the rules for hybrids and other mismatches. It is important that these rules are robust in tackling international tax planning, but also that they are not disproportionately harsh in their application.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

The Minister clarified what the clause does. We do not oppose the clause.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 26 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 29

Insurance contracts: change in accounting standards

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

[The Chair]

With this it will be convenient to discuss that schedule 5 be the Fifth schedule to the Bill.

[Lucy Frazer]

Clause 29 introduces a power to lay regulations before Parliament in connection with the new international accountancy standard for insurance contracts, known as IFRS 17, introduced by the International Financing Reporting Standard Foundation. These regulations will allow the Government to spread the transitional impact of IFRS 17 for tax purposes, and to revoke the requirement for life insurers writing basic life assurance and general annuity business to spread their acquisition expenses over seven years for tax purposes. The corporation tax liabilities of insurers are based on their accounting profit. IFRS 17 will apply to companies that prepare their accounts under international accounting standards and is expected to become mandatory for accounting periods beginning on or after 1 January 2023, subject to its endorsement by the UK Endorsement Board.

Depending on the types of insurance business written, adoption of IFRS 17 will create a large, one-off transitional accounting profit or loss for many insurers. The Government expect that spreading these one-off transitional profits and losses for tax purposes will greatly reduce volatility in Exchequer receipts and should also help to mitigate the cash flow and regulatory impacts of the accounting change. This will support the long-term stability of the insurance sector in the UK and contribute to the UK maintaining its position as a leading financial services centre.

The adoption of IFRS 17 will also make it more complex for life insurers writing basic life assurance and general annuity business to undertake the necessary calculations to spread their acquisition expenses over seven years for tax purposes, as currently required. Additionally, commercial changes in the life insurance market mean that the need for this requirement has reduced in recent years. Removing it for all life insurers writing basic life assurance and general annuity business, and instead following accounting treatment for tax purposes, will be a welcome simplification. The details of the final legislation will be informed by a consultation that was published alongside the “Tax Administration and Maintenance” Command Paper on 30 November.

The clause will allow the Government to respond to the potentially large and one-off tax implications caused by the adoption of the new international standard for insurance contracts, IFRS 17. I therefore recommend that the clause and schedule 5 stand part of the Bill.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

As we have heard, clause 29 sits alongside schedule 5 and refers to insurance contracts and changes in accounting standards. As the Minister has mentioned, the clause has an enabling power that will allow the Government to make provisions in secondary legislation in connection with international financial reporting standard 17, and to revoke the requirement for all life insurance companies to spread acquisition costs over seven years for tax purposes.

The corporation tax liabilities of insurers are based on their accounting profit, and many insurers prepare their accounts under international accounting standards. The new international accounting standard for insurance contracts, IFRS 17, is expected to become mandatory for periods of account beginning on or after 1 January 2023, subject to its endorsement by the UK Endorsement Board. IFRS 17 will affect the timing of recognition of insurers’ profits and losses, and its adoption will create transitional accounting profits or losses, which we understand may have significant regulatory consequences. We recognise that the Government will need powers to be able to deal with the tax implications of IFRS 17.

The removal of the requirement for all life insurance companies to spread their acquisition costs over seven years for tax purposes is a simplification that has been allowed by IFRS 17. We welcome the simplification of tax arrangements and do not oppose the clause, but can the Minister tell us what provision will be put in place for insurers, for whom the change in accounting standards could cause a transitional administrative burden?

[Lucy Frazer]

I thank the hon. Member for her question, but the whole purpose of the clause, which will allow costs to be spread over a number of years, is to make things easier for insurers. I am glad that she is satisfied that the clause is sensible, and I am very grateful for her support for this provision. I ask that the clause stand part of the Bill.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 29 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Schedule 5 agreed to.

Clause 30

Deductions allowance in connection with onerous or impaired leases

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

--- Later in debate ---

The changes made by clause 30 will ensure that companies in financial distress continue to benefit from full relief for carried-forward losses that offset accounting profits arising from lease negotiations, regardless of the accounting standard they adopt. The clause introduces a technical amendment to ensure that corporation tax loss relief rules work as intended, ensuring that companies in financial distress can access relief for their carried-forward losses.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

Clause 30 concerns deductions allowance in connection with onerous or impaired leases. The clause amends sections of the Corporation Tax Act 2010 to ensure that the legislation continues to work as intended. It does so by continuing to provide an exemption from the loss reform rules for companies in connection with onerous or impaired leases in specific circumstances. As the Minister said, the measure enables such companies to obtain full relief for carried-forward losses that offset profits arising from lease renegotiations where they adopt international financial reporting standard 16.

Loss reform was introduced in section 18 of schedule 4 to the Finance Act 2017, and had effect from 1 April 2017. The reform made two main changes. It increased a company’s flexibility to offset carried-forward losses either against the company’s own total profits in latter periods or in form of a group relief in a later period. Additionally, it limited the amount of profit against which carried-forward losses can be set. Each group or a company that is not part of a group has an annual deductions allowance of £5 million in profit. Carried-forward losses can be set against that amount, which is restricted to a maximum of 50% of a company’s total profits for the period. The restriction to carried-forward losses was extended to include corporate capital losses with effect from 1 April 2020. Having reviewed the clause, the Opposition do not oppose it.

[Lucy Frazer]

I am grateful for the fact that the Opposition do not intend to oppose the clause.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 30 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 31

Provision in connection with the Dormant Assets Act 2022

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

[Lucy Frazer]

The Committee will be disappointed to learn that this is probably the last clause that we will deal with today. It introduces schedule 6, which supports the expansion of the dormant assets scheme to a wider range of assets. The clause ensures that where an asset is transferred into the dormant asset scheme and an individual later makes a successful claim to the ownership of that asset, they are in the same position for capital gains tax purposes that they would have been in without the scheme.

The dormant asset scheme enables funds from dormant bank and building society accounts to be channelled towards social and environmental initiatives. The scheme allows dormant funds to be unlocked for good causes, while protecting the original asset owner’s legal right to reclaim the amount that would have been paid to them had a transfer into the scheme not occurred.

In 2021, following a consultation, the Government announced their intention to expand the scheme to include assets from the pensions, insurance, investments and securities sectors. The process of transferring the assets into the scheme could, in certain cases, qualify as a disposal for CGT purposes, resulting in neither a gain nor a loss. As the asset owner cannot be located and does not know that the transfer has occurred, it is not appropriate or feasible for the tax to be paid by the individual at the point of transfer to the scheme, or for a notice of a loss to be made. The change made by the scheme addresses that by ensuring that a CGT charge arises only where a person comes forward to claim the asset. That ensures that the individual remains in the same position for tax purposes that they would have been in had the asset not been transferred into the dormant asset scheme.

Where the asset had previously been held in an individual savings account, changes made by the schedule ensure that no income or CGT arises when the asset is reclaimed. That ensures that savers in ISAs are not disadvantaged by their accounts being transferred into the scheme. The scheme also updates references in the existing legislation to ensure that it reflects the widest scheme created by the Dormant Assets Bill.

The schedule will commence only on the making of a Treasury order, because the Dormant Assets Bill is not yet law. The intention is to lay the necessary commencement order before Parliament when that Bill becomes law. For that reason, the schedule contains time-limited powers that allow the Treasury to make changes by secondary legislation if changes to the Dormant Assets Bill result in additional tax issues. The Government believe that the provisions strike the right balance between supporting good causes and taxpayer fairness.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

As we have heard, clause 31 and schedule 6 concern the Dormant Assets Bill. The changes broadly ensure that individuals remain in the same position for tax purposes as they would have done had the assets not been transferred into the dormant assets scheme. Overall, we do not oppose the measure, but we are aware that the Chartered Institute of Taxation has concerns about the availability of accessible guidance to those making a claim under the dormant assets scheme who may be unaware of the tax consequences of their actions. Will the Minister clarify when guidance will be issued?

[Lucy Frazer]

I am grateful for the hon. Member’s indication that the Opposition will not oppose this measure. HMRC does generally provide guidance, and I am very happy to update the hon. Member on any guidance on this issue.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 31 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Schedule 6 agreed to.

Finance (No. 2) Bill (Third sitting)

Abena Oppong-Asare Excerpts

Committee stage
Wednesday 5th January 2022 Public Bill Committees

[Lucy Frazer]

Clause 67 introduces a power enabling changes to be made by secondary legislation to stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax in relation to securitisation and insurance-linked security arrangements. The Government are keen to ensure that the UK’s stamp duty and SDRT rules contribute to maintaining the UK’s position as a leading financial services sector.

On 30 November, the Government published a response document and a draft statutory instrument following consultation on reform of the tax rules for securitisation companies. The consultation explored issues including the application of the stamp duty loan capital exemption to securitisation and ILS arrangements. The consultation sought views on whether uncertainty as to how the existing stamp duty loan capital exemption applies increases the costs and complexity of UK securitisation and ILS arrangements, and whether that is a factor in arrangements being set up outside the UK.

Clause 67 will allow Her Majesty’s Treasury to make regulations to provide that no stamp duty or stamp duty reserve tax charge will arise in relation to the transfer of securities issued by a securitisation company or a qualifying transformer vehicle. A qualifying transformer vehicle is the note-issuing entity in an ILS arrangement. The power will also allow HMT to make regulations to provide that stamp duty or SDRT is not chargeable on transfers of securities to or by a securitisation company. The power allows the Government to make changes to allow UK securitisation and ILS arrangements to operate more effectively, and reduce cost and complexity. There is currently no power to make changes through secondary legislation to the stamp duty and SDRT rules in relation to securitisation and ILS arrangements.

In summary, clause 67 will support the Government to respond flexibly to the evolving commercial practices of the securitisation and ILS markets, and ensure that the UK’s securitisation and ILS regimes remain competitive. I therefore commend the clause to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare (Erith and Thamesmead) (Lab)]

I am delighted to serve under your chairship, Dame Angela. Happy new year, everyone.

As we heard from the Minister, clause 67 relates to stamp duty on securities and related instruments. We do not oppose efforts to increase the efficiency and flexibility of this sector, but we wish to see appropriate safeguards to ensure that these changes do not increase the risk of stamp duty evasion and, as the Minister mentioned, to make sure that they meet the UK’s position as a leading financial sector.

Securitisation can be a useful source of finance for UK businesses and can aid capital liquidity and risk management. I note that the Treasury has consulted on the impact of stamp duty on securitisation and insurance-linked securities. Clause 67 gives the Treasury powers to make changes through secondary legislation to stamp duty as it relates to securitisation. Can the Minister explain why the Government feel that it is necessary to make those changes through secondary legislation, rather than using the Finance Bill or other primary legislation?

Can the Minister also give us some detail on the exact changes that the Government intend to make through this secondary legislation? For example, in what circumstances will the trading of securities be exempt from stamp duty? How will she ensure that this does not increase the scope for tax avoidance? Can she also provide reassurance that Parliament will still be able to scrutinise these changes? The clause really needs to be scrutinised.

[Lucy Frazer]

I thank the hon. Lady very much for those points. I welcome the fact that she, too, thinks it important that this country remains competitive and flexible, and supports growth in this very important sector.

The hon. Lady asked why we need these changes to be made by secondary legislation. The answer is that technical changes of the type consulted on are more often and more appropriately made through secondary legislation than by primary legislation. Making the changes through secondary legislation gives Government flexibility to ensure that technical changes respond to the evolving nature of the securitisation and ILS markets.

However, it is of course important that we have scrutiny and review. We had a consultation on this issue, from which these provisions follow; of course, anything that comes through secondary legislation will be scrutinised. We will keep this under review, as we do all taxes.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for taking the time to explain that. It would be helpful if she could also explain what measures were put in place to allow Parliament to scrutinise these changes. I am sure that she would agree that it is important that Parliament should be able to scrutinise these changes properly; if she could list what steps have been put in place, that would be extremely helpful.

On my other question, it is really important that there is no increase in tax avoidance. Can the Minister set out what the Government have put in place to ensure that it does not increase?

[Lucy Frazer]

Like me, the hon. Lady will be aware that when things go through the secondary legislation procedure they are subject to scrutiny by this House, through those Committees. She will also know that this Government are absolutely committed to ensuring that we tackle tax avoidance; there are a large number of measures in this Bill that tackle tax avoidance and evasion, through cracking down on promoters and other mechanisms. It is something that we are alive to and acting upon, and for those reasons I ask that clause 67 stand part of the Bill.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 67 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 72

Identifying where the risk is situated

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lucy Frazer]

Clause 72 relocates into IPT legislation the criteria to determine the location of an insured risk for the purpose of insurance premium tax. IPT is charged on most general insurance, where it provides cover for risks located within the UK.

Insurance for risks located outside the UK is exempt from UK IPT. That exemption prevents double taxation across different tax jurisdictions and puts UK-based insurers on a level playing field with overseas insurers. Legislation sets out how to determine the location of a risk in order to establish whether the IPT exemption applies. Regulations previously used to determine the location of an insured risk were replaced in 2009, and the new regulations did not include an equivalent provision. Instead, reliance was placed on directly effective European Union legislation. To ensure clarity for the insurance industry, this measure relocates the criteria into primary legislation. This is a technical change and does not reflect a change in IPT policy.

The changes made by clause 72 will remove references to inoperative regulations in the Finance Act 1994, introducing criteria to the same effect directly into the IPT legislation. The measure ensures that insurance for risks located outside the UK remains exempt from IPT, providing clarity and continuity for the insurance industry and supporting the maintenance of an effective and fair tax system.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for her explanation of clause 72; it does seem like a straightforward clause that simply moves the criteria for determining where the risk is located into primary legislation. The Chartered Institute of Taxation has stated that the legislation does meet its stated objectives. For that reason, we do not oppose the clause.

I note that there has been wider consultation on the insurance premium tax, including on how to address the avoidance of the tax and how to reduce the administrative burden on HMRC and the industry. That is particularly important as HMRC has been under a lot of pressure—particularly during the pandemic. In the Government’s response to the consultation on the issue of IPT avoidance, they said that, on reviewing the responses,

“neither of the proposed options provide a proportionate solution to the issue this chapter sought to address. As such, neither option will be taken forward at this time.”

That seems like the Government have given up at the first hurdle. Why, if the proposed measures are not appropriate, are the Government not considering other measures to prevent avoidance in this sector?

[Alison Thewliss]

I do not have any major objections to what is being proposed, but I would be doing the Association of British Insurers a disservice if I let the clause go through without mentioning its concern, which I share, that insurance premium tax is quite a regressive tax. We are about to discuss tobacco duty; the ABI points out, through some research by the Social Market Foundation, that insurance premium tax now raises more revenue than beer and cider duty, wine duty, spirits duty, or betting and gaming duties.

Since 1994, the standard rate of IPT has increased more rapidly than tobacco duty. Those are all things that we want people not to do; we would prefer it if people did not drink as much, smoke as much or gamble as much, so we tax those things. It seems ludicrous to tax people on insurance, which we would like people to have and which benefits them and society, so I ask the Minister to consider further whether insurance premium tax is something sensible that we want to keep doing.

[Lucy Frazer]

The clause gives the Secretary of State for International Trade the power to call in and take control of reviews of trade remedies measures transitioned from the EU. This ensures that the Government can effectively take steps to prevent harm to UK industry where there is evidence of unfair competition.

Trade remedies are additional tariffs or tariff-rate quotas temporarily imposed to protect domestic industries from dumped or subsidised imports or unforeseen surges in imports. At the end of the transition period, the Government transitioned 43 of the EU’s trade remedy measures. The Trade Remedies Authority is now reviewing the transitioned measures to assess whether their continuation is suitable for the UK economy. The TRA is responsible for collecting and analysing evidence relating to trade remedies cases, and it currently makes recommendations to the Secretary of State for International Trade on whether particular measures should be revoked or varied or, in certain cases, retained or replaced. The Secretary of State can only accept or reject a TRA recommendation in its entirety.

The current framework was introduced in 2018. Since then, it has become clear that in some circumstances, greater ministerial involvement in decision making is required. The call-in power is designed to address that. It will allow the Secretary of State to call in a case if she considers it necessary. For example, she will be able to take a closer look at an individual case if needed in the wider public interest. The intention is that the Secretary of State will continue to rely on the expertise of the TRA to collect and analyse evidence, but that it will do so under her direction.

Whether a case is called in or not, the process will continue to be robust, transparent and evidence based, but the power will allow the Secretary of State greater flexibility in decision making than our legislation currently allows. The call-in power will apply only to transition reviews, and where the TRA is reconsidering its previous conclusions from a transition review. In parallel, the Government are considering wider changes to the trade remedies framework to ensure that it can consistently defend UK industry. That is separate from the limited scope of this clause, and the International Trade Secretary will report on the findings of that review in due course.

The changes made by clause 73 will amend the trade remedies regime to allow the Secretary of State for International Trade to call in transition reviews and reconsiderations of transition reviews conducted by the TRA. After calling in a case, the Secretary of State will be responsible for determining the outcome of that review or reconsideration. That will ensure that the Secretary of State can have greater oversight and involvement in a particular transition review or reconsideration of a transition review as appropriate, and therefore the ability to decide on appropriate measures, such as varying the tariffs that apply to particular products under the UK’s trade remedies framework.

Where this power is exercised, the Secretary of State need not necessarily base their decision on a prior recommendation or decision of the TRA. The Secretary of State will be required to publish the notice of a decision made under this clause. The Government will make secondary legislation to set out in more detail how the call-in power is to be exercised.

In summary, clause 73 will help to prevent injury to UK industry by empowering the Secretary of State to call in transitional reviews where appropriate, and give her control to determine the outcome of a particular transition review or reconsideration of a transition review. Such a determination may include retaining, varying, revoking or replacing the trade remedies already in place on the goods subject to the review.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

This important clause relates to trade remedies. As we have heard, it allows Ministers to override the powers of the Trade Remedies Authority in order to maintain safeguard tariffs on cheap imports that unfairly undermine UK industry.

The clause’s introduction was prompted by the row over the TRA’s proposals to get rid of tariffs on cheap steel imports. In June last year, the TRA recommended the removal of limits inherited from the EU on about half of the UK’s steel imports. Slashing those safeguards and opening the floodgates to cheap steel imports would have been devastating for steel plants across our country and damaging for our wider economy. At the time, the director general of UK Steel said:

“On their first major test in a post-Brexit trading environment, the UK’s new system has failed our domestic steel sector.”

The Government U-turned on that decision after pressure from Labour and the industry, and belatedly maintained protections for the steel industry. Obviously, however, there are concerns about future TRA decisions, so we support the clause. Indeed, Labour campaigned for the Government to take more action to support our vital steel industry.

I ask the Minister to expand on subsection (5), which allows the Secretary of State to make regulations regarding how to make decisions on transitioned trade remedies. Will she set out what sort of regulations she envisages that the Secretary of State will make and how those decisions will be made? It is important that there is a transparent process for making these important decisions on trade remedies.

Finally, although we welcome this measure and hope that it ensures that vital British industries are better protected in the future, we remain concerned about the Government’s wider failure to support British industry. Industries such as steel are of vital strategic importance for our economic prosperity and national security, but the Government’s lack of an industrial strategy means that the steel industry is lurching from crisis to crisis. We need a proper plan to decarbonise the sector, to boost business competitiveness and to use British steel in UK infrastructure projects, in order to safeguard the future of the steel industry, as Labour’s plans to buy, make and sell in Britain would do.

Labour would also invest up to £3 billion over the coming decade in greening the steel industry. We would work with steelmakers to secure a proud future for the industry to match the proud past and present of British steel communities. I urge the Government to do the same.

[Lucy Frazer]

I did not want to interrupt the hon. Lady, but I think she has gone outside the remit of the measures in the Bill. However, I would like to correct her on a point—[Interruption.] She was talking about the steel industry as a whole, when we are dealing with a provision that relates in particular to the power of the Secretary of State to call in trade remedies.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lucy Frazer]

The clause simplifies the way that technical updates are made to the UK’s tariff schedule. This measure inserts a new provision into the Taxation (Cross-border Trade) Act 2018 so that changes to the UK’s tariff schedule that do not alter the tariff duty rates applied to imported goods can be made by public notice rather than by secondary legislation, as is currently the case.

The clause will ensure that routine technical changes to tariff legislation, such as changing the codes used to classify goods or removing redundant codes, can be implemented more easily and quickly for those who refer to the legislation. Importantly, this measure also reduces the burden on parliamentary time in considering routine technical changes, while maintaining Parliament’s current levels of scrutiny of tariff duty rate changes.

In summary, the clause amends the Taxation (Cross-border Trade) Act 2018 so that technical changes can be made by public notice, thus ensuring simpler and quicker implementation of those changes to the UK’s tariff schedule.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

This relatively minor change allows technical updates to the tariff schedule to be made by public notice rather than secondary legislation. Given that there are safeguards to ensure that substantive changes, such as varying the rate of import duty, continue to be made by regulation and are therefore subject to parliamentary oversight, we do not oppose the clause.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 74 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 75

Restriction of use of rebated diesel and biofuels

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

[The Chair]

With this it will be convenient to consider that schedule 10 be the Tenth schedule to the Bill.

[The Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury (Helen Whately)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dame Angela.

Clause 75 and schedule 10 make technical amendments to the existing legislation that restricts the entitlement to use rebated red diesel and biofuels from 1 April 2022, to adjust restrictions and ensure that the legislation operates as intended.

To help achieve net zero and improve UK air quality, the Government announced at Budget 2020 that they would reduce the entitlement to use rebated diesel and biofuels, which currently enjoy a duty discount, from this April. These tax changes will ensure that most current users of rebated diesel use fuel taxed at the standard rate for diesel from April 2022, like motorists, which more fairly reflects the harmful impact of the emissions they produce. The changes will also incentivise users of polluting fuels, such as diesel, to improve the energy efficiency of their vehicles and machinery, invest in cleaner alternatives or just use less fuel.

Following consultation in 2020, the sectors that will be allowed to continue to use rebated diesel and biofuels beyond April 2022 were confirmed at spring Budget 2021, with the changes legislated for in the Finance Act 2021. Clause 75 and schedule 10 will make technical amendments to the Hydrocarbon Oil Duties Act 1979 and the Finance Act 2021 to adjust restrictions on the entitlement to use rebated diesel and rebated biofuels, clarify how the changes to the new rules work, and allow the legislation to operate as intended.

In summary, the changes will alter the circumstances in which the use of rebated diesel and rebated biofuels will be permitted from 1 April 2022, including provisions aimed at transition to the new rules. They will also amend definitions relating to certain vehicles, machines and appliances. Some of these changes follow feedback received from stakeholders since the Finance Act 2021 received Royal Assent. Overall, the technical changes in this clause and schedule will ensure that the Government’s reforms to the tax treatment of rebated diesel and biofuels from April 2022 work as intended.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for her explanation of the clause, which introduces technical amendments to the changes introduced to restrict the entitlement to use rebated fuel, more commonly known as red diesel. We discussed the substance of that change in Committee on the last Finance Bill. As I said then, we support the intention behind the Government’s measure. There is a clear need to ensure that fuel duty rebates are as limited as possible in order to meet our net zero commitment.

The amendments made by this Bill are technical in nature, and we do not oppose them. However, will the Minister set out which, if any, industries will be affected by the changes and what work is being done to ensure that they are prepared, given that we are now only a few months from the introduction of the changes? Will she also update us on preparations by Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs and other agencies for the changes? Is she confident that the Government will be able to ensure compliance from April this year? The Minister’s colleague, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, mentioned that there has been some restructuring around HMRC, but I echo the earlier comments by the hon. Member for Glasgow Central and my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing North, who explained that HMRC has been busy for a number of years. Will the Minister update us on what work has been done to ensure that we are prepared for this change?

[Alison Thewliss]

I am glad that the definitions are being amended to include fairs and circuses, of which there are many in my constituency, to allow them to continue to use rebated diesel and biofuels after 1 April 2022. In that industry it is quite difficult to adapt machines to use other sources. The showpeople I represent will be pleased that the Government have listened on this measure, and I thank the Minister for that.

[Helen Whately]

The clause implements changes announced in the autumn Budget 2021 on tobacco duty rates. The duty charged on all tobacco products will rise in line with the tobacco duty escalator, with additional increases made for hand rolling tobacco and to the minimum excise tax on cigarettes.

Smoking rates are falling in the UK, but smoking remains the biggest cause of preventable illness and premature deaths in the UK, killing around 100,000 people a year and about half of all long-term users. All those factors mean that we need to continue to encourage more people to kick the habit. We have already set out ambitious plans to reduce the number of smokers from 14% to 12% of the population by 2022, as set out by the Department of Health and Social Care in its tobacco control plan. We have announced that we aim to reduce smoking prevalence in England to 5% or less by 2030. That includes a commitment to continue the policy of maintaining high duty rates for tobacco products to improve public health.

According to Action on Smoking and Health, smoking costs society almost £14 billion per year, including a £2 billion cost to the NHS because of the disease caused by smoking. At autumn Budget, the Chancellor announced that the Government would increase tobacco duty in line with the escalator. The clause specifies that the duty charge on all tobacco products will rise by 2% above retail price index inflation. Duty on hand-rolling tobacco increases by a further 4%, to 6% above RPI inflation. The clause also increases the minimum excise tax—the minimum amount of duty to be paid on a pack of cigarettes—by an additional 1%, to 3% above RPI inflation.

The clause will continue our tried-and-tested policy of using high duty rates on tobacco products to make tobacco less affordable and to continue the reduction in smoking prevalence. That will reduce the burden placed on our public services by smoking. I commend the clause to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

As the Minister set out, the clause raises the duty on tobacco products, in line with the duty escalator, by RPI plus 2% for cigarettes and RPI plus 6% for hand-rolling tobacco. The minimum excise tax has been increased. We do not oppose those increases, but I will take this opportunity to make a couple of wider points about action to prevent smoking and the Treasury’s role in it.

Action on Smoking and Health stated that last year’s Budget was

“a small step forward on tobacco, but on its own won’t deliver on the Government’s commitment to a Smokefree 2030.”

In fact, projections show that the Government will miss that target by seven years, and double that for the poorest in society. As the Minister knows, tobacco duty has a dual role: raising revenue for the Government and reducing smoking rates. The latter role is most effective when combined with a comprehensive funded strategy to reduce smoking. Unfortunately, the funding for such a strategy has been repeatedly cut in recent years as part of broader cuts to public health grants. The Minister mentioned that smoking has fallen, but recently published evidence shows a 25% increase in smoking among young adults since the first lockdown, so it is clear that there is a lot of work to be done.

In a debate on smoking last year, the Under-Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, the hon. Member for Erewash (Maggie Throup), said in response to a question on taxation:

“That is a matter for Her Majesty’s Treasury. However, the Department continues to work with HMT to assess the most effective regulatory means to support the Government’s smoke-free 2030 ambition, which includes exploring a potential future levy.”—[Official Report, 16 November 2021; Vol. 703, c. 181WH.]

Will the Minister tell us what work the Treasury is doing to design a levy on tobacco manufacturers, along the lines of the “polluter pays” principles, to pay for campaigns to stop smoking and other public health measures? Those large and profitable companies often pay relatively little tax in this country, while those who smoke rightly pay a large amount of tax every time they buy a pack of cigarettes. Many public health experts urge the Government to look at the idea of a levy, and I strongly hope that the Minister will say more on that.

[Helen Whately]

I am glad to hear that the Opposition will not oppose the clause. The hon. Lady has said that it is not enough on its own, and the Government agree. Our tax treatment of tobacco is just one of a set of policies in place to reduce smoking. I assure her that the UK is seen as a global leader on tobacco control. Over the last two decades, we have implemented regulatory measures to stop young people smoking and non-smokers from starting, and to support to help smokers quit.

The hon. Lady also asked about a tobacco levy. I can tell her that the Government consulted on proposals for a tobacco levy in 2015. That consultation concluded that a levy is not the most effective way to raise revenue or protect public health. It would add complexity and additional costs, while the amount of revenue it could raise is uncertain.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I appreciate the time the Minister has taken to answer this question. The Department of Health and Social Care is saying something completely different. Last year, the Health Minister, the hon. Member for Erewash, said that taxation was a matter for the Treasury and that the Department was working with the Treasury to look at an effective regulatory means to support the Government’s smoke-free 2030 ambition, which included exploring a potential future levy. Could I have clarification on that?

It seems that the Department is saying something different from what the Minister has just said—that the consultation was done in 2015 and it was decided that a levy was not appropriate? I am not trying to be difficult here, but I think the Government need to explore this idea. A number of health experts and even the Health Minister are saying that, so some work needs to be done on this in detail. The last review was done in 2015, and we have moved on a number of years.

--- Later in debate ---

[Helen Whately]

Clause 77 makes changes to uprate vehicle excise duty—or VED—for cars, vans and motorcycles in line with the retail prices index from 1 April 2022. VED is paid on vehicle ownership, and rates chargeable are dependent on various factors, including the vehicle type, date of first registration and carbon emissions. The Government has uprated VED for cars, vans and motorcycles in line with inflation every year since 2010, which means that rates have remained unchanged in real terms during this time. The changes made by clause 77 will uprate VED rates for cars, vans and motorcycles by RPI only for the 12th successive year, meaning that VED liabilities will not increase in real terms. The standard rate of VED for cars registered since 1 April 2017 will increase by only £10. The flat rate for vans will increase by £15 and motorcyclists will see an increase in rates of no more than £5.

New clause 5, tabled by the hon. Member for Glasgow Central, asks the Government to publish within 12 months of this Bill coming into effect an assessment of the impact of sections 77 to 79 on the goal of tackling climate change and on the UK’s plan to reach net zero by 2050. Similarly, new clauses 4 and 8 tabled by the hon. Lady ask the Government to publish, within 12 months of this Bill coming into effect, impact assessments on the goal of tackling climate change and on the UK’s plan to reach net zero by 2050, first on the Act as whole, and, secondly, on section 99 and schedule 16. These amendments are unnecessary and should not stand part of the Bill.

The Government are proud of our world-leading climate commitments, most recently set out in the net zero strategy. The latest Budget and spending review confirm that since March 2021, the Government will have committed a total of £30 billion of domestic investment for the green industrial revolution. That investment will keep the UK on track to meet its carbon budgets and nationally determined contribution, and to reach net zero by 2050. The net zero strategy sets out how the Government will monitor progress to ensure that we stay on track for our emissions targets. That includes commitments to require the Government

“to reflect environmental issues in national policy making”.

At fiscal events, including the spending review 2021, all Departments are required to prepare their spending proposals in line with the Green Book, which sets out the rules that we use in the Treasury to guide individual spending decisions. The Green Book already mandates consideration of climate and environmental impacts in spending, and it was updated in 2020 to emphasise that policies must be developed and assessed against how well they deliver on the Government’s long-term policy aims such as net zero.

Furthermore, the Treasury carefully considers the climate change and environmental implications of relevant tax measures. The Government incorporated a climate assessment in all relevant tax information and impact notes for measures at Budget—they are published online—and we will continue to do so in future TIINs. For example, the TIIN for the new plastic packaging tax incorporates an assessment of anticipated carbon savings—nearly 200,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide in 2022-23. In addition, HMRC is exploring options further to strengthen the analytical approach to monitoring, evaluating and quantifying the environmental impacts of tax measures.

Given the substantial work already under way on these issues, the proposed amendment would add unnecessary bureaucratic requirements and layers of complexity. I therefore urge the Committee to reject new clause 5 and, for the same reasons, I will urge the Committee to reject new clauses 4 and 8 when we turn to those.

New clause 15, tabled by the hon. Members for Ealing North, for Erith and Thamesmead and for Blaydon, asks the Government to publish, within 12 months of the Act coming into effect, a review of the impact on VED revenue of future demand for electric vehicles. This new clause is also unnecessary and should not stand part of the Bill. The Government are committed to achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2050, and the transition towards electric vehicles and the phase-out of new petrol and diesel cars and vans will make a vital contribution to that. The Government have committed to ensuring, as we move forward with this transition, that revenue from motoring taxes keeps pace with this change, to make sure that we can continue to fund the excellent public services and infrastructure that people and families across the UK expect.

Analysis that projects the possible impact on VED revenues of future demand for electric vehicles is already in the public domain. First, since 2016, the Government have asked the Office for Budget Responsibility to publish a fiscal risks statement to improve disclosure and management of fiscal risks. The OBR’s 2021 fiscal risks report makes an assessment of the fiscal impact of achieving net zero, including the impact on VED and fuel duty receipts, which it explores under different climate change modelling scenarios.

Secondly, the net zero review published by the Treasury in October of last year also examines the possible decline in tax revenues, including VED and fuel duty receipts, as part of the transition to net zero. It notes that, were the current tax system to remain unchanged across the transition period, tax receipts from most fossil fuel-related activity would decline towards zero across the first 20 years of the transition, leaving receipts lower in the 2040s by up to 1.5% of GDP in each year relative to a baseline where they stayed fixed as a share of GDP.

Given that analysis of future VED revenues has already been published by both the Government and the OBR, the review of this issue sought by this new clause is unnecessary. I therefore urge the Committee to reject new clause 15.

Overall, the changes outlined in clause 77 will maintain revenue sustainability by ensuring that motorists continue to make a fair contribution to the public finances. I therefore urge that this clause stand part of the Bill.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

Clause 77 raises the rate of vehicle excise duty for various categories of vehicle by RPI. This is a regular update to VED to ensure that it remains the same in real terms, and we do not oppose it. I do wish to make broader points about taxes affecting drivers and, in particular, to speak to our new clause 15.

Electric vehicles are not liable for vehicle excise duty, and of course their owners do not pay fuel duty. New clause 15 calls on the Government to report on expected future levels of vehicle excise duty in the context of the increasing uptake of electrical vehicles. It is designed to encourage the Government to begin to think and talk publicly about that critical question.

The transition from petrol and diesel cars to electric vehicles is critical as part of our broader transition to net zero. The Opposition have constantly raised concerns about the fact that the Government are not doing enough to support the take-up of electric vehicles, whether through supporting consumers and producers or improving the critical charging infrastructure. We continue to believe that the Government must do more in that area, but we also believe that they must begin to set out how they will deal with the fiscal consequences of the transition.

Fuel duty and VED currently raise around £35 billion for the Treasury each year. They are by far the largest revenue-raising environmental taxes. It is a truly significant amount of Government revenue, equivalent to nearly half the Education budget, but as electric vehicles become an increasing share of vehicles on the roads, that revenue will decline rapidly. One estimate shows that tax revenues from car usage could fall by around £10 billion by 2030, £20 billion by 2035, and £30 billion by 2040. The Treasury’s own net zero review stated that much of the current revenue from taxing fossil fuels was likely to be eroded during the transition to a net zero economy.

We might have expected the review to set out what the Treasury planned to do about that, but it was notably silent on that matter. When the Minister responds, can she tell us what work the Treasury is carrying out on that important issue and when it will set out its plans? Can she tell us what alternatives to VED the Treasury is considering—for example, road pricing or other taxes? Crucially, how will the Treasury balance the need to maintain income from driving with the need to incentivise the switch to electric vehicles? Those are critical questions, which cannot and must not be left to the last minute. We deserve to have an open debate about the best way forward. Motorists and taxpayers deserve clarity about how they will be taxed in the future. I hope that the Minister can begin to give us some insight into the Treasury’s thinking on this issue.

[The Chair]

I call Richard Thomson.

Finance (No. 2) Bill (Fifth sitting)

Abena Oppong-Asare Excerpts

Committee stage
Tuesday 11th January 2022 Public Bill Committees

[Lucy Frazer]

Clauses 95 and 96 concern tax administration provisions. They provide certainty that HMRC may use discovery assessments to take action in certain cases in which taxpayers have not declared or returned tax that is due. For consistency, fairness and certainty, they also make minor changes to the rules requiring notification of liability.

I will briefly explain the context for introducing the clauses. The upper tribunal recently found that HMRC did not have powers to recover an individual’s high-income child benefit charge, which I will refer to as “the child benefit charge”, by issuing a discovery assessment where the taxpayer had neither notified HMRC of their liability nor submitted a tax return. The purpose of notifying tax liability is for HMRC to know to ask a taxpayer to complete a tax return. A discovery assessment is the mechanism HMRC uses to collect tax that it finds out should have been assessed but has not been—essentially, HMRC sends the taxpayer a bill for the tax that they ought to have self-assessed. HMRC uses discovery assessments frequently and routinely for taxpayers who ought to but have not notified tax liability and completed a tax return, whether because they are evading tax or they have made a genuine mistake.

HMRC can use discovery assessments in two scenarios: where it discovers that income tax in a tax return has been understated, and where a tax return has not been submitted at all. We are concerned here only with the latter scenario. The tribunal did not dispute the validity of the child benefit charge; in fact, it confirmed that the charge was still due. However, the tribunal found that HMRC could not use discovery assessments in that case. HMRC firmly disputes that ruling and has appealed to the Court of Appeal. The ruling prevents HMRC from using the usual discovery assessment mechanism to collect the correct tax payable where taxpayers liable to the child benefit charge and similar charges have not notified their liability, and so have not been sent a tax return.

There are three related clauses: 95, 96 and 97. The first and most significant is clause 95, which ensures that discovery assessments can be used to recover the child benefit charge, as well as similar charges relating to pensions and gift aid, where taxpayers have failed to notify HMRC and self-assess those charges. I stress that the legislation does not create any new liabilities or obligations for taxpayers; it simply puts taxpayers who do not declare and pay the child benefit charge on an equal footing with the majority who do.

Without clause 95, a taxpayer who did not declare and return their liability might not have to pay the child benefit charge at all, while others in otherwise identical circumstances who had rightly notified HMRC of their position would have to pay. Clearly, even if that is an honest mistake, which it is in many cases, it is not right.

The legislation introduced under clause 95 will apply retrospectively to child benefit, gift aid and pension charges. For those three types of charge, the legislation will be treated as having always been in force and will ensure that previously issued discovery assessments remain valid. The Government do not introduce retrospective legislation lightly; we do so only in exceptional circumstances, and we will do so, on occasion, when a court ruling upsets the widely accepted way in which the law is understood to work.

In this instance, retrospection is necessary for two reasons: first, to protect public services by ensuring that tax that is properly due and that has been charged and paid through discovery assessments over a number of years remains undisturbed; and secondly to provide fairness to the general body of taxpayers who have declared their liability, submitted their returns and paid their tax. The retrospective element applies only to the use of discovery assessments where taxpayers subject to such charges have neither notified HMRC of their liability nor submitted a tax return; it does not affect anyone’s tax liability. It is important to emphasise that although this is retrospective legislation, it is not retrospective taxation.

Some taxpayers will not be subject to the retrospective effects of clause 95. It would be unfair for it to apply to those taxpayers who were part of the original litigation and those who submitted appeals to HMRC on the same basis before the tribunal judgment was handed down. To include them would overturn the upper tribunal’s judgment and curtail the appeal rights of taxpayers who will already have spent time and money bringing an appeal on the same grounds, so the Government are excluding those taxpayers from the retrospective element of the legislation, ensuring that they can continue to pursue their appeals.

The prospective effect of clause 95 is somewhat wider. It is sensible to future-proof the legislation so that it applies to any income tax or capital gains tax that ought to have been, but has not been, assessed.

Clause 96 is introduced with prospective effect only. It will provide certainty that taxpayers who become liable to certain tax charges, including the pension and gift aid charges that I mentioned in reference to clause 95, must notify HMRC of their tax liability. Taxpayers are required to notify HMRC that they are chargeable to income tax or capital gains tax for any given year when that tax has not otherwise been accounted for.

Recent litigation has called into question whether certain tax charges are adequately covered by the obligation to notify chargeability; clause 96 provides certainty that they are so covered. That will achieve consistency of treatment across the types of tax charge, ensuring that taxpayers are always obliged to notify HMRC in circumstances where HMRC might not otherwise become aware of their tax liability.

It is right that taxpayers are required to report and self-assess their tax liabilities and that HMRC can take the necessary action to recover tax when they do not. Clauses 95 and 96 will enable HMRC to carry on doing so, shoring up the tax administration provisions in response to litigation that could otherwise create confusion, unfairness and inconsistency, as well as putting public revenues at risk. I commend the clauses to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare (Erith and Thamesmead) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship again, Sir Christopher. I thank the Minister for her explanation of clauses 95 and 96, particularly in respect of discovery assessments. As she says, clause 95 will amend the Taxes Management Act 1970 to provide certainty that HMRC can use discovery assessments to make good a loss of tax where it discovers that certain charges have not been accounted for; when the Bill gains Royal Assent, the clause will apply both retrospectively and prospectively.

The amendment to the 1970 Act has to be understood in the context of the legal challenge in HMRC v. Wilkes, in which the upper tribunal ruled that HMRC could not use discovery assessments to assess tax charges arising from sources that do not meet the definition of income within the relevant provision. Clause 95 will amend the law to enable HMRC to use discovery assessments in such circumstances. The background note in the explanatory notes states that the aim is to

“put the matter beyond doubt and confirm HMRC’s long-standing policy”.

Although there has clearly been historic doubt and an unsuccessful legal defence mounted by HMRC, and while this is being applied retrospectively, there is an exception for those who have appealed on the grounds that HMRC was inadequate at the time prior to the Wilkes case. However, as the Minister probably knows, the Low Incomes Tax Reform Group has raised the point that the retrospective application in the clause could be uneven and unfair.

While those who have appealed have been exempted, those who did not make the necessary appeal will face retrospective charges. Those who accepted the charge at face value and paid it will clearly not get their money back, despite the upper tribunal’s finding that HMRC’s use of discovery assessments in this way was outside the scope of its powers and, therefore, not legal. The Wilkes judgment will soon no longer be a legitimate basis for legal contest; I would be grateful if the Minister could make an assessment of the fairness of this uneven, retrospective application.

Under clause 96, there will be further amendments to the Taxes Management Act 1970. It will amend section 7 and extend the circumstances in which a person must make a notification under section 7 to the charges listed in section 30 of the Income Tax Act 2007. As the Minister mentioned, that requires the taxpayer to notify HMRC of any liability to income tax or capital gains tax charges per accounting year. The amendments to the fundamental piece of primary legislation have been extended to include liability, as set out in clause 95. For this reason, we will not be opposing the clause.

[Alison Thewliss (Glasgow Central) (SNP)]

It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Sir Christopher. While we support its broad principles, this type of clause brings me out in a cold sweat. I completed my self-assessment tax return last night, and I am now worrying that I have not done it right and at some point in the future HMRC will come running after me because I have ticked the wrong box on the form somewhere.

The clause goes to the sense of a lot of the things to do with the higher income child benefit charge, particularly this retrospective aspect. Since it was introduced in 2013, there have been challenges around the charge, in terms of people knowing about it and the way in which the system works. The child benefit and HMRC systems do not necessarily talk to one another, and people have been brought into self-assessment without realising it.

I can use myself as an example. When I first phoned HMRC to ask about the issue, it asked, “What is your husband’s income?” I said, “I have no idea—it is his income. It is nothing to do with me.” Many people will not know their partner’s income. There may be reasons why the partner does not want to tell them their income, and that will leave them in a very difficult position. People may be in a relationship of coercive or financial control, and they may not be aware of their partner’s income but may end up falling into liability under the rules that the Minister has set out.

What kind of mitigation, if any, may be put in place should people in future be held liable for something they were not aware of for entirely legitimate reasons? Will there be any such mitigation, or will HMRC try to claw back all the money regardless of the person’s situation? Many people may end up in a situation where they are having income clawed back that they were not aware of. How do the Government intend to continue to raise awareness of the higher income child benefit charge and whether people are going to be affected by it?

As the Low Income Tax Reform Group point out in its excellent evidence to the Committee,

“The number of families affected by the charge has increased substantially since it was first introduced because the £50,000 threshold has not been uprated for nine years”.

The effect is that every year it affects more people, who are then drawn into the charge without being aware of it.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lucy Frazer]

Clause 97 is the third of three clauses relating to HMRC’s tax administration provisions. The clause makes minor technical revisions to the provisions for the calculation of income tax in respect of certain pension charges.

Section 23 of the Income Tax Act 2007 sets out the steps to be followed when calculating income tax liability. At step 7, additional amounts of tax that have not been taken into account in the earlier steps are added to the calculation, and those are listed in section 30. The list in section 30 includes a number of freestanding tax charges relating to registered pension schemes.

The Committee will remember that clause 96 operated on those freestanding charges to provide certainty that taxpayers liable for them must notify their liability to HMRC. The Government have identified the fact that some of those freestanding charges—some of the unauthorised payment charges and surcharges, and the overseas transfer charge—have been omitted from the list in section 30, so we are taking this opportunity to correct that by adding them.

Clause 97 adds to the list in section 30 the overseas transfer charge and the missing unauthorised payments charge and surcharges. The charges ensure that the correct amount of tax due in respect of those charges is produced at the correct step of the tax calculation. The effect is to ensure that HMRC will be able consistently to calculate and assess tax liabilities in respect of those pension charges. In combination with clause 96, clause 97 requires taxpayers to notify HMRC of their liability for the charges, and HMRC will be able to charge penalties for failure to notify and will use discovery assessments to recover tax that has not been notified. Clause 97 is introduced with prospective effect only from the 2021-22 tax year.

Clause 97 makes minor technical revisions and, together with the changes in clauses 95 and 96, gives consistency and certainty of tax treatment in HMRC’s tax administration provisions relating to those freestanding tax charges. I commend the clause to the Committee.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for her explanation. As she mentioned, clause 97 follows on from clauses 95 and 96, and is a chiefly technical clause to amend the list of other income tax charges in subsection 30(1) of the Income Tax Act 2007. The Labour party will not oppose the clause.

[Lucy Frazer]

I thank the hon. Lady.

Question put and agreed to.

Clause 97 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 98

Power to make temporary modifications of taxation of employment income

Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury (Helen Whately)]

I thank you, Sir Christopher—and the hon. Member for Gordon, who duly flagged the order of proceedings. Clause 99 and schedule 16 make technical amendments to capital allowances, company car tax and vehicle excise duty legislation so that the tax system continues to function as intended when vehicles are certified through the new domestic comprehensive vehicle type approval scheme due to be introduced this year.

A vehicle manufacturer is able to apply for a type approval to allow specific types of vehicles to be used on the road and can then certify that each vehicle manufactured within that type conforms with the specifications of the approval obtained. Since the end of the transition period on 31 December 2020 following the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union, European type approvals have no longer been automatically recognised for vehicles for use on roads in Great Britain.

Since 1 January 2021, a provisional domestic type approval scheme has been in operation. Manufacturers with an EU type approval have been required to apply for a provisional domestic type approval, which is valid for a maximum of two years. During 2022, the provisional domestic type approval scheme will be gradually replaced with a new comprehensive domestic type approval scheme, which will introduce new certificates of conformity. This will be implemented through separate legislation in 2022 by the Department for Transport.

Clause 99 and schedule 16 make technical amendments to relevant legislation to update the types of official vehicle approval certification recognised for determining the level of a vehicle’s carbon dioxide emissions for the purposes of capital allowances, company car tax and vehicle excise duty, including new certificates of conformity that will be introduced through the domestic type approval scheme, allowing manufactures to continue to report their CO₂ emissions. This will ensure that vehicle owners and keepers continue to pay the tax for their vehicles as intended from 2022 following the introduction of the new scheme.

For the purpose of capital allowances, the clause and schedule will also confirm in legislation that the applicable CO₂ emission figure from the official documentation will be that certified under the worldwide harmonised light vehicle test procedure. The technical changes in the clause and schedule will ensure that the tax system continues to function as intended when vehicles are certified through the new domestic comprehensive vehicle type approval scheme due to be introduced in 2022.

[Abena Oppong-Asare]

I thank the Minister for her explanation of clause 99, which introduces schedule 16, which concerns emissions certificates for vehicles. When purchasing a car, capital allowances are in part determined by the level of CO₂ emissions. A 100% first-year allowance is available for new cars that have zero CO₂ emissions, including electric cars. Otherwise, writing down allowances are available at the main rate of 18% per annum for electric cars and those with low CO₂ emissions—up to 50 grams per kilometre driven—or 6% per annum for those with emissions exceeding 50 grams per kilometre. The measures in the clause allow for greater CO₂ emissions figures to be used for purposes of capital allowances, taxable benefits arising from provisions of cars and vehicle excise duty. For that reason, we will not oppose the clause.

[Richard Thomson]

Thank you, Sir Christopher, for your opening comments on this group. My party does not get too many advances or victories in this place, so it is important to savour them when we can. I will certainly savour this one. I have a sense of clairvoyance about what the Minister will say in response.

We fully support the intention behind schedule 16. It is important to have the certification regime in place. However, as I argued when discussing the SNP’s new clause 5 in the previous group, it is important not only that consumers have confidence in the figures that are published, but to understand the impact that their publication has on behaviour. When we discussed new clause 5, we talked about the very incremental changes to vehicle excise duty, and my party proposed that we should look at the impact of those on consumer behaviour. Similarly, we feel we must understand how emissions certification changes consumer and manufacturer behaviour.

As a fundamental point, when we are as engaged in trying to achieve net zero as all Governments in these islands say that they are, it is important that Government have clear oversight of how spending and taxation influence behaviour in driving movement towards net zero. This measure should be no exception, and that is what our new clause seeks to achieve. In the fairly safe assumption that it will not be accepted by the Government, I would like to know how they intend to monitor how the changes drive behaviour.