Avian Influenza
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard Excerpts(2 weeks, 4 days ago)
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Baroness Hayman of Ullock (Lab)
I can absolutely reassure the noble Lord on that. I speak very regularly with my devolved Administration counterparts and, obviously, we discuss issues such as avian influenza. My officials work constantly with the devolved Administration officials as well when we have an outbreak such as this.
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard (UUP)
My Lords, noble Lords will be aware that Northern Ireland comes under the European regulations for organic egg production, not the UK ones. Because of the impact of avian influenza on free range eggs, which is an impact on organic egg production in the UK, would the Minister consider a lobby to bring Northern Ireland under UK organic egg regulations, as opposed to EU regulations?
Baroness Hayman of Ullock (Lab)
The noble Lord is absolutely right and, again, this is why I regularly meet with both the Permanent Secretary and the Minister at DAERA to discuss exactly these sorts of issues. We do not want any part of the UK to be at an unnecessary disadvantage. It is really important that we support egg producers and poultry producers in whichever part of the UK they are. I am certainly happy to discuss his suggestion with officials.
Official Controls (Amendment) Regulations 2024
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard Excerpts(3 weeks, 3 days ago)
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Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard (UUP)
My Lords, I will make only a few brief comments. I thank the Minister for bringing forward the legislation in the first place, and the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey, for her amendment. What she says is absolutely right, but the difficulties and problems did not start with these retained EU law animals, food, plant health and trade regulations. They started back with the weak negotiations with the European Union that gave us the protocol and then the Windsor Framework. That is where our problems have come from, and now we are seeing the outworkings of it—and this is just one of the outworkings.
On the issue around human medicine, I welcome the resolution that the noble Lord, Lord Bew, highlighted. Robin Swann, when he was Health Minister, secured that with the European Union. It is just a pity that we could not get the same resolution for animal health medicines, which is a massive issue for the agricultural sector in Northern Ireland. I know from discussions with the Minister that they are hoping to make progress on that, and we might hear something on that when she speaks.
I was pleased to hear the noble Lord, Lord Frost, say that we need to have a different route and that the Windsor Framework needs to be ditched. It is about time people started saying that and that we plan for a new resolution. The resolution that we got back in 2019 was disastrous for people in Northern Ireland and for small businesses, which are finding huge difficulties and problems in that respect.
Th noble Lord, Lord Dodds, mentioned the Stormont brake. It is pretty useless, even if it were implemented. I know we had a test case quite recently, but the reality is that, if the Stormont brake was accepted by the UK Government and put to the European Union, what in actual fact would happen to that legislation in Northern Ireland? We would not get the UK legislation then. We would be back to the old European regulations and legislation. We in Northern Ireland would be left in no man’s land, because we would have the new UK regulations and Northern Ireland sitting with a different regulation altogether. I have argued right from the start that it is pretty worthless, even if it were to be implemented, and I stand by that comment. Indeed, when we met officials in the Northern Ireland Assembly some time ago, they explained in very great detail that it would not be practical if it were to be implemented.
I just wanted to make those few brief comments. I support the amendment of the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey, but that is not where our problems are at the moment. Our problems are much wider and deeper. It was the poor negotiations that brought us the Windsor Framework in the first place.
Lord McCrea of Magherafelt and Cookstown (DUP)
Like my colleagues, I support the regret amendment put down by the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey. I preface my remarks by thanking the Minister for the gracious manner in which she has always dealt with concerns expressed by noble Lords, even when those opinions were very different from those of the Government. Her manner has been deeply appreciated.
The noble Baroness, Lady Hoey, and my colleagues who have spoken, have dealt with the specific technicalities of these regulations. I wish to deal with the underlying vehicle that has brought these regulations about.
By now, the Government must realise that the issues of the Northern Ireland protocol and the Windsor Framework will not go away and must be removed. They are a direct challenge to the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom, for through them Northern Ireland is no longer seen as a full and equal part of this United Kingdom. Rather, when leaving Great Britain to enter the other region of the United Kingdom —Northern Ireland—you are recognised as using an entry point to the EU under laws pertaining to goods. In 300 areas of law, Northern Ireland is subjected to laws not enacted in any other region of the United Kingdom, over which the people of the Province, through their elected representatives, have no say, and nor is there any democratic accountability. This is totally unacceptable.
It is well recognised that we got into this mess because the previous Westminster Government were anxious to get Brexit done, and the Irish Republic’s Government defiantly ensured that Northern Ireland was used as the bargaining chip—and ultimately all we were was collateral damage. Over the years, the people of Northern Ireland have witnessed some of the most harrowing terrorist atrocities from Irish republican terrorists because they dared to defend their British citizenship, only to be betrayed by successive Governments at Westminster. Indeed, many across the world cannot understand why our people are so loyal to Britain, but our allegiance and loyalty is not to any political party or Government here at Westminster, but to our King and country.
These regulations treat Northern Ireland as a “third country” in relation to Great Britain—that is, a foreign country—which is not only disrespectful, but insulting. Therein lies the constitutional issue at the heart of the protocol and Windsor Framework. As was stated in the committee in the other place, powers have been surrendered to the EU under regulation 2017/625 and the UK Government
“cannot provide for the entry of consignments of goods to the United Kingdom; they can provide for the entry of consignments of goods only to Great Britain”.—[Official Report, Commons, Fourth Delegated Legislation Committee, 8/1/25; col. 6.]
De facto, we have partitioned our United Kingdom with a foreign regulatory border.
The protocol/Windsor Framework was designed to make special provision for Northern Ireland that is not made for the rest of the United Kingdom—so they said. Our Government have handed over the passage of goods from one part of the United Kingdom to another to a foreign jurisdiction. That would not be acceptable in any other region of the United Kingdom. Why should it be acceptable to the law-abiding people of Northern Ireland?
We are witnessing the outworking of the Windsor Framework in the manner some of us warned of in previous debates. I and my colleagues in your Lordships’ House warned of the constitutional, democratic and—for many—economic damage of the Windsor Framework. I know there are those who would prefer that the matter of the Irish Sea border, the protocol and the Windsor Framework would just go away—“It’s as good as you are going to get”. But for unionists in Northern Ireland, not to highlight the damage that has been and is being done, and not to demonstrate the inequity of the constitutional and democratic injustice that has been inflicted on the people of Northern Ireland would be to acquiesce in all this. My colleagues and I are not willing to do so.
The Windsor Framework was built on quicksand and many of the promises made to the people of Northern Ireland in the selling of it are now exposed as falsehoods. The recent issue of the so-called Stormont brake, which I originally described in this House as something that could not stop a child’s toy tricycle, never mind the EU steam train, exposes the evident corrosion and decay in the Windsor structure. When will our Government have the courage to stand on their feet and face down the European Union, instead of bowing to its every demand? Can the Minister tell us what has happened to the Safeguarding the Union Command Paper and its outworking? How have this Government sought to defend the union, and what positive actions have been taken to do so?
I know there are those who have a defeatist attitude and suggest that nothing can be changed. I remind them that that was what we were told about the Northern Ireland protocol: it was set in stone; it came down, like the commandments, from heaven and could not be changed.
In conclusion, I have noted a change of heart, as did the noble Lord, Lord Morrow. When these regulations were voted on in the other place, only one Conservative Member supported them—only one, and the one was no surprise at all to anybody from the unionist community—and 65 Conservative Members voted against them. The noble Lord, Lord Morrow, mentioned some who are in the shadow Cabinet. I trust that many across this House will have courage to join us in the Division Lobby tonight in rejecting the regulations.
There are numerous other things I wish to say, but I will not detain the House any further. I commend to noble Lords the amendment brought by the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey.
Storm Bert
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard Excerpts(2 months, 3 weeks ago)
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Baroness Hayman of Ullock (Lab)
My understanding is that the review will be wide ranging. Clearly, pollution incidents, particularly around sewage, will be part of what the review can look at. I think the water companies and the Environment Agency will be looking at the extent of pollution incidents during the recent flooding, and that can then be evaluated.
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard (UUP)
My Lords, out of every crisis comes some good as well. We saw a huge working together of people from various communities to help those affected by the floods and by the storm in general. In particular, I saw a number of farmers out clearing roads and cutting trees. Will the Minister accept that, even though the farmers have got a really bad deal out of the recent Budget, they are still out there helping the community and supporting those in need?
Baroness Hayman of Ullock (Lab)
I live in a community in Cumbria that floods a lot, and one of the most extraordinary things when you have faced a serious flooding event is the way the local community comes together, whether that is farmers helping to clear the roads, people checking on vulnerable residents or people looking after other people’s pets when they have had to go into hotel accommodation. Community support, the way communities come together, should be hugely commended in our society, and farmers have an important role to play in that in rural areas.
Animal Welfare (Livestock Exports) Enforcement Regulations 2024.
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard Excerpts(3 months, 2 weeks ago)
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Lord Trees (CB)
My Lords, I welcome these regulations, which enforce and extend measures in the Animal Welfare (Livestock Exports) Act, which was passed earlier this year, to prohibit the export of certain animals for fattening or slaughter from or through Great Britain to countries outside the British Isles. These geographical restrictions are very precise and important; we will come to that in a minute.
I note that the Act has no restriction on export for breeding purposes and did not include poultry. Both of those exemptions are fully justified and remain, although, as the noble Baroness, Lady McIntosh, alluded to, there are problems with exporting live breeding mammals. I also note, as she has done, that the original Act included equids but the regulations under discussion do not. I repeat the question: when might consideration be given to having equivalent regulations for equids? Although I do not think that a functioning ferry for horses is working at the minute, the export of live horses for slaughter is something that potentially concerns a lot of veterinary and animal welfare bodies.
I further note that, because of the present occurrence of bluetongue in England, the movement of all live ruminants to Northern Ireland from England is currently suspended. We hope that that will not be indefinite, of course.
The original Act allowed movement for slaughter and fattening to Northern Ireland as part of the UK. Since there is, under EU jurisdiction, free movement of animals from Northern Ireland to the Irish Republic and to the EU beyond that, this is a potential loophole that could be exploited; like others, I drew noble Lords’ attention to it in the debate on the original Bill in February. This movement to Northern Ireland was and is subject to certain conditions, including direct movement to either an abattoir or a farm, at which there should be a standstill on movement for at least 30 days. However, unscrupulous persons could move animals after standstill, or even before that, to the Irish Republic then onwards to anywhere in the EU, perhaps even to north Africa.
Given the scale of movements between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic—the figures I have suggest that, in 2022, 337,000 sheep were moved between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic for fattening and slaughter—it is clearly possible that a substantial number of animals might be legally moved, ultimately for slaughter, into the EU or beyond by unscrupulous persons. So, again, I ask: to what extent will we be able to monitor those movements to try to detect whether there are illegal movements within that traffic?
I welcome the fact that the current regulations appear to try to close this loophole by requiring the exporter in Great Britain to submit evidence of the purpose of export to the APHA before the journey log can be approved. The APHA must be satisfied that the animals will not be exported for fattening and slaughter before movement is approved, and it will have the power to require supplementary evidence demonstrating that. This is a very welcome measure; I congratulate the Government on introducing it.
Lastly, do His Majesty’s Government have any plans to review movement regulations in the UK, now that we are no longer bound by EU rules? We all acknowledge that animal welfare can be compromised by long-distance live transport. As well as the total distance travelled, the frequency of loading and unloading is a hazardous procedure that can give rise to injury and welfare problems. The movement of sheep within the UK can involve very long journeys, for example from Caithness to Cornwall, and the normal rearing process for sheep involves frequent long-distance movements between owners. Are His Majesty’s Government satisfied that the current rules and regulations with regard to journey times and transport conditions within the UK are appropriate? Having said all that, I very much welcome these regulations on livestock export.
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard (UUP)
My Lords, I thank noble Lords for giving me the opportunity to speak here. I welcome the Minister to her place. I declare an interest as a farmer in Northern Ireland; we heard some mention of Northern Ireland. I suppose I have a few queries around these regulations.
One of my concerns is how it will be managed, with animal welfare being a devolved issue in both Scotland and Wales. Will that cause any complications with these regulations, because quite often we find that devolved institutions are very precious and protective of their own rights? I am just concerned that it will fall between two stools.
The noble Baroness, Lady McIntosh, has already asked whether the farmer or haulier will be responsible when there is a check and an inspector looks at the issues.
I am also curious about journey log records. The regulations mention applicable guidance that will focus on changes to the application process for journey logs, especially the need to provide corroborating evidence on the purpose of the export. I am wondering what level of evidence will be required to corroborate that with the journey log, because quite often that can be manipulated. We have heard some instances of concern around export to Northern Ireland and how that may provide extended journeys that are not covered within the legislation.
The next point I am curious about is animals that are being transported from Northern Ireland to Great Britain; will they be required to have exactly the same journey logs? Will the same record-keeping system be required for them and will the corroborating evidence be the same as that required in other parts of Great Britain?
Those are just a few of the queries that I have on these regulations; I know that the debate on the main legislation has already taken place. I just have some concerns that we may find that some issues drop through loopholes and may not be fully accountable to the authorities that look over the regulations.
Lord de Clifford (CB)
My Lords, I also welcome this statutory instrument and the detail of it. A lot of my points have already been expressed by the noble Baroness, Lady McIntosh, and the noble Lord, Lord Trees. It is certainly very important from a farming point of view—I represent vets who work with farmers—and on the ability to export breeding stock in the long run, and with all respect to the bluetongue outbreak.
I also note that the equestrian side of it needs to be addressed in due course. We welcome that, so I will not go into any more detail on that.
Live exports to Northern Ireland were just addressed by the noble Lord. The time limit for exports of sheep et cetera from Scotland to Northern Ireland has been extended, because there is no direct ferry route from Scotland to Northern Ireland due to the ferry regulations. Is Defra going to monitor the number of live exports from England to Northern Ireland, and likewise from Northern Ireland back to England? That is important to ensure the numbers are tracked correctly.
Furthermore, when animals arrive in Northern Ireland, who is going to monitor what is in place, as requested by the RSPCA? Is Defra going to monitor that, as well as the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs in Northern Ireland?
I will further emphasise the final point of the noble Lord, Lord Trees: we would welcome, for improved animal welfare, a review of the current journey times within Great Britain.
Rural Communities
Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard Excerpts(4 months, 1 week ago)
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Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard (UUP) (Maiden Speech)
My Lords, it is an honour and privilege to speak in your Lordships’ House for the first time. Before making this contribution, I spent some time listening to and reflecting on the debates and the work of this House. Like all debating and law-making Chambers, it has its own unique style, which is very different from those which I have been used to in the past. Some of those differences I would recognise as positive. Some others will take slightly longer to get used to. I was speaking to a Peer just yesterday who said that, after 25 years in the place, he still cannot get used to some of the practices and processes.
I offer my sincere thanks to Black Rod, her staff, the clerks, the doorkeepers, the security services, the police, the many members of staff, the Peers who have assisted me and all those who have provided a warm welcome to me since I came to this place last month. I also thank my two supporters, my noble friends Lord Rogan of Lower Iveagh and Lord Empey of Shandon, both of whom I have known for over 25 years. I also thank my wife and family for their continued support and help in this role.
As a humble rural farmer from the most westerly county of the United Kingdom, being a Member of this House is not something that I ever contemplated. Even during my political career, as a Fermanagh district councillor and a Member of the Northern Ireland Assembly, and in my short time in the other place down the Corridor, being a Peer was not on my radar. Although I have had a long political career, I think of myself not as a professional politician but as someone who came into politics by accident, and I continue to see myself as a community activist rather than a professional politician.
That community activity includes my chairmanship of Ballinamallard United Football Club, a small village club that has played in the top level of the Irish Premiership and punches well above its weight. I was a member of the Northern Ireland security services, of the Ulster Defence Regiment and of Royal Irish Regiment, through some of the darkest days of the Northern Ireland Troubles—it was a difficult time for everyone. I trust that my title of “Ballinamallard”, if noble Lords can pronounce it, will be a recognition of the small rural village and its hinterland where I, my siblings and my parents grew up and are very much part of that community.
I do hope that noble Lords understand my accent. My local rector was concerned at the weekend concerned that they would not. This reminds me of a story of a preacher who was new to the area. He heard a man at the back of the church regularly shouting out “Hallelujah”, so he went on for much longer than expected—only to be informed after church that the man was indeed shouting, “That’ll do ya”.
Moving swiftly to the Question, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady McIntosh, for asking it. I declare an interest as I own an operational farm. I want to highlight some issues that are similar throughout rural areas in the UK, using my experience of my immediate past chairmanship of the Northern Ireland Assembly Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs.
We all suffer from poor transport services, poor broadband and connectivity, rural isolation, poor health and well-being and the lack of youth services, but there are other aspects to rural communities that are deficient. For example, the widespread withdrawal of banking services has resulted in many rural dwellers and businesses not having a regular opportunity of face-to-face banking and financial advice. Development planning in many areas is not conducive to the indigenous rural population. It restricts opportunities for young rural dwellers and businesses to remain in that area and instead pushes them into urban areas, removing them from their natural area. In England approximately 19% of the population live in rural areas. However, in Northern Ireland that figure is approximately 37%, so there is a significantly larger proportion of rural residents in Northern Ireland who, obviously, have significantly more rural-based issues.
Then we have the largest rural economy: the farming and agricultural sector, which is finding it more and more difficult to operate and positively contribute to its community. It is a world leader in quality food production but continues to be pressurised. Pressurised is a modest term for me, as I was told not to be controversial in my maiden speech; I hope to be more forthright in future contributions. The farming sector continues to be held to ransom by many rules and regulations that are not adopted by other countries from which we import food. Thank you for now.