Ukraine and Wider Operational Update

Lord Jopling Excerpts

Monday 12th January 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Jopling (Con)]

My Lords, I was impressed by two points that arose in the debate in another place last week. First, the Statement itself said that

“if Putin prevails, he will not stop at Ukraine”.

Secondly, Rishi Sunak said that we must have

“credible and durable security guarantees”.—[Official Report, Commons, 7/1/26; col. 390.]

I very much agree with those two points. Is the Minister seized of the vital need to ensure that any settlement with Putin over Ukraine does not ignore the possibility of him just jumping in and repeating the operation elsewhere? I am thinking particularly of Georgia and Moldova, where there are striking similarities to the Ukraine situation. Putin would argue, with the same dishonest and disgraceful justifications he used over Ukraine, first, that they used to be under Russian influence and, secondly, that Russia already has a military foothold in Moldova and Georgia in a similar way to what it had in Ukraine. I have been to both places. In South Ossetia in Georgia, I looked down over the Russian military base, materiel and equipment with which it illegally invaded some time ago. In Moldova, I have been to Transnistria and met the generals and colonels, who told us in those days that they had only 1,500 troops there, which was a total lie. Will the Minister agree that a settlement with Putin is not just about Ukraine?

[Lord Coaker (Lab)]

The noble Lord made a series of very good points, and I could say that I agree with him about the need for all the things he said. I completely agree with him about the need for there to be a security guarantee for Ukraine. Any arrangement that is made has to have the support of the Ukrainians. That is why we have gone to such extraordinary lengths to try to put together a coalition of the willing. There are still discussions going on about that. It is good that the UK and France have been at the forefront of it. We have tried very hard, and it was good to hear what the Americans said at the meeting of the coalition of the willing in Paris. Their involvement is essential as well, and sends a strong signal to Russia.

The noble Lord made a point about Moldova and Georgia. He will know that in Moldova we supported the facilitation of free and fair elections, which led to a result that Russia did not want. We would certainly wish to see similar in Georgia. The noble Lord makes a really good point—Putin has to know he cannot be seen to have won, and we are doing all we can to ensure that that is the case—and he is right to point out that the front line in Ukraine is our front line as well.

King’s Speech

Lord Jopling Excerpts

Thursday 25th July 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Jopling (Con)]

My Lords, I want to talk about NATO. I had the honour of serving until recent years on the UK delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly over a period of rather over 30 years. Of course, for nearly all my adult life, we have seen NATO as a highly successful alliance at the core of our defence strategies. However, in recent years, I cannot help feeling that NATO has lost the dynamism of the years when the likes of the late Lord Carrington and the noble Lord, Lord Robertson of Port Ellen, were the Secretary-General, and I question if today it is fit for purpose. I cannot help feeling that it has all become a bit sleepy. This could not come at a more dangerous time, of course, with Russia, China and their friends flexing their muscles and with war raging in Ukraine and Israel, so I look to our new Government to wake up NATO.

I want to give four examples of why I am unhappy. First, and most importantly, I am appalled at the blind indifference of some states, who ought to know better, to honouring the solemn promises they made 10 years ago to spend 2% of their GDP on defence. It really is not acceptable that responsible states such as Canada, Italy, Spain and, inevitably, Belgium are malingering. We are all too polite to shame those who cannot even reach the 2% target; that must change, as well, of course, as the 2% target. Surely, the 2% was correct 10 years ago, but it is inadequate today and 2.5% should be a minimum.

Secondly, I am unhappy that nothing is sleepier in NATO than the interminable 16 years or so that it took, having decided to build a new headquarters, to build and occupy its new premises across the road. That really is not an accolade for an organisation which is supposed to believe in rapid reaction.

Thirdly, I saw for myself, when attending NATO exercises, the problems of red tape in moving military or civilian assets across national frontiers, with frequent hold-ups. It really is a disgrace, and one might have thought that these problems should have been apparent years ago and eliminated.

Finally, some years ago, the international auditors who deal with NATO’s bookkeeping and finances seriously criticised its accounts. I tried on two occasions to confront the Secretary-General to address these issues, only to be what I regarded as rudely brushed aside with no attempt whatever to answer those really pressing questions. I know the Secretary-General is soon to retire, and I can only hope that his successor does rather better. I hear that the departing Secretary-General has plans afoot to publish his memoirs next year. All I can say is that it is a pity he did not wait to write them until after he had gone.