Draft EU-Canada Trade Agreement Order

Debate between Barry Gardiner and Baroness Winterton of Doncaster
Tuesday 26th June 2018

(6 years, 5 months ago)

Commons Chamber
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Desmond Swayne Portrait Sir Desmond Swayne (New Forest West) (Con)
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On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. There is some pressure on time. The hon. Gentleman has been at it for over 20 minutes and we still do not know where he stands. Is it in order for him to keep the House in such suspense?

Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)
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It is quite in order for the hon. Member for Brent North (Barry Gardiner) to be making his opening remarks. I am sure he is not going to be too much longer; there are a lot of people waiting to speak.

Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

--- Later in debate ---
Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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I did answer that question earlier following an intervention. There are many aspects of this trade agreement that we would welcome and would wish to pursue, but we cannot—[Interruption.]

Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)
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Order. Will the hon. Gentleman face the Chair? We cannot hear otherwise.

Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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I apologise, Madam Deputy Speaker. There are many aspects of the deal that we would welcome, but there are elements of it that are absolutely unsustainable and constitute red lines. South Africa, India and New Zealand have all stated their opposition to ISDS procedures, and New Zealand has gone so far as to sign side letters with five counter-signatories to the Trans-Pacific Partnership disapplying the ISDS provisions included in that agreement. The current impasse in the renegotiation of the North American free trade agreement hinges on US demands to drop ISDS provisions from the revised agreement, the rationale being that their respective domestic court systems are perfectly capable of adequately settling any disputes. Indeed, if our courts are sufficient for British companies, why should they not be considered so for foreign investors, too? The United Kingdom has long been considered a safe legal system, and a significant proportion of global trade is governed by legal—

Andrew Percy Portrait Andrew Percy
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On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. The shadow Secretary of State has now spoken for longer than the Secretary of State. Many Back Benchers are waiting to get in on this important debate. Is he still in order?

Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)
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The hon. Member for Brent North is still in order, but I point out that a lot of speakers want to come in. I am sure that he will bring his remarks to an end very shortly.

Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Indeed—I will respect your decision and, in that regard, I hope that nobody else will seek to intervene as I conclude my remarks.

Owen Smith Portrait Owen Smith
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Will my hon. Friend give way? [Interruption.]

Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)
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Order. It is important that the hon. Member for Brent North is heard with politeness, because I know that he wants to bring his remarks to an end fairly quickly. I think we should give him the chance to get on and do that.

Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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Over the past few years, the Government have entirely failed to explain why British taxpayers should be on the hook for ordinary commercial risks faced by foreign investors. If a company has concerns about the stability of the regulatory environment, it should factor that into its investment decision. Recognising the flaws in the arbitration model, the European Commission and Canada have moved to a courts-based system, but the Secretary of State covered that, so I will not dwell on it.

A Labour Government would not seek ISDS provisions in future trade agreements, but the threat to the Government’s capacity to deliver in the public interest is not confined to the use of ISDS mechanisms. Modern trade agreements such as CETA and the EU-Japan economic partnership have been negotiated using the negative list approach for the scheduling of services liberalisation commitments. Under this approach, all service sectors not explicitly exempted from liberalisation are included. The use of this method marks a significant departure from the use of the positive list in all earlier EU trade agreements, where only those service sectors listed are subject to the rules and disciplines of the agreement. It is considered a particular threat to public services, as it may prove impossible to shield them from liberalisation effectively once they have been committed to an international trade treaty.

This means that any emergent sector in the future will automatically be subject to liberalisation even where there might be a clear need for Government intervention. We cannot predict what those will be prior to their emergence, but that is the very point of using a negative list—to reduce the capacity of the Government to regulate in the future. Collectively, these measures only benefit big businesses and curtail the rights of Governments to act in the best interests of their peoples. That is why there has been so much resistance and uproar from civil society organisations and trade unions alike.

It is ironic that, just as we are told we need to leave the EU to regain control of our laws and how they are interpreted in the courts, Parliament’s ability to legislate in the public interest is being curtailed by negative lists and regulatory chill and by the establishment of a supranational courts system where foreign businesses are given superior rights to our own domestic companies and can tell our Government what they can and cannot do if they are not to sue us for taking sensible public policy decisions to protect the public against new and emerging dangers.

Similar concerns extend to the labour rights provisions of CETA. One study forecast that 10,000 jobs could be lost as a direct consequence of CETA. The threat to European jobs—[Interruption.]

Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker
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Order. I must insist that the hon. Gentleman be heard out. I am sure he will bring his remarks to a close in the next minute.

EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement

Debate between Barry Gardiner and Baroness Winterton of Doncaster
Tuesday 26th June 2018

(6 years, 5 months ago)

Commons Chamber
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Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker
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That is a point of debate. I want the debate to move on because a lot of Members wish to speak.

Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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The Government have not published any serious analysis as to the potential outcomes of the EU-Japan EPA on the car industry beyond the basic econometric analysis in their impact assessment. It cannot be right to allow the Government to proceed with fast-tracking approval of this trade deal when we have not had answers to the critical questions posed by the hon. Member for Stone and his Committee, based on a proper analysis of what the likely impacts might be.

Exiting the European Union and Global Trade

Debate between Barry Gardiner and Baroness Winterton of Doncaster
Thursday 6th July 2017

(7 years, 4 months ago)

Commons Chamber
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Iain Duncan Smith Portrait Mr Duncan Smith
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No, I am not.

Baroness Winterton of Doncaster Portrait Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)
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Order. I am sure that Mr Gardiner will take the intervention when he wants to.

Barry Gardiner Portrait Barry Gardiner
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As I was saying before I was persistently—and, I must say, quite rudely—interrupted, we have set out very clearly that we will try to secure exactly the same benefits that the Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union claimed would be procured in the negotiations, but we are not fixated on the structures; we are fixated on the outcomes. But we will be leaving the European Union. The right hon. Gentleman can be assured that we are committed to honouring that manifesto commitment.