(1 month, 2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I shall speak also to Amendment 312. These amendments would ensure that any distribution order affecting parachute payments is introduced with a three-year, rather than one-year, transition period, and that an order would come into effect only from the start of a new football season.
Before I give the Committee my experience of why that is so important, having spent 32 years running Premier League and EFL clubs, I want to make the point that I think there is a total misunderstanding in the Committee about parachute payments. Parachute payments are not about helping clubs get promoted into the Premier League; they are about helping Championship clubs that are promoted into the Premier League to have the ability to invest to give them a chance to stay in the Premier League. You cannot invest to stay and be competitive in the Premier League if you do not know that there is some sort of safety net to help you in the event of relegation. My Amendments 311 and 312 are, in my view, essential to safeguarding the stability and sustainability of English football, particularly for those clubs that face the challenges of relegation.
As I have said before in the House, parachute payments are not a luxury or a reward for failure. They are an essential tool that encourages the competitiveness, investability and financial sustainability of English football. Without them, relegation would create a financial free-for-all and a cliff edge that could devastate clubs, their communities and the broader ecosystem. Without them, newly promoted clubs cannot invest in their squads to ensure that they have any chance of remaining in the Premier League.
Will the noble Baroness acknowledge that they distort competition in the Championship?
I do not say that they do or do not. I am saying that, if they were not there, you would have to invent them. If a club is promoted from the Championship to the Premier League and cannot invest in its team to stay in that league, it is automatically almost certain to be relegated. If an established club, such as those mentioned earlier, is relegated, without the parachute payment it will be in financial trouble. Some 50% of all administrations come as a result of relegation; that is why parachute payments are fundamentally important. They are designed to manage the financial shock of relegation, where clubs could lose significant revenues, almost overnight, while their costs remain fixed.
For a recently promoted Premier League club, squad costs alone average £115 million a year, with most player contracts running for three to five years. Relegation means that clubs face an average shortfall of £165 million over three years, even with parachute payments included in that equation. It is important to recognise, therefore, that they do not help clubs avoid a painful transition but soften the blow to a degree. Without them, the financial impact would escalate from being very painful to being catastrophic.
(2 months, 3 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I support this group of amendments, which I think are very helpful because they will help to tease out one of the real challenges at the heart of this Bill—how to achieve the right balance of proper oversight with the absolute necessity of delivering regulatory independence. We should, of course, acknowledge the natural instinct to ensure democratic accountability of any new regulator. Given the cultural and economic importance of football to our nation, Parliament should rightly maintain some oversight of how this new body exercises its considerable powers.
The question “Who regulates the regulator?” is beginning to be asked more and more often, not least in relation to the many clear failings of UK regulators, and rightly so. However, I believe we must also tread with real care here. Football’s international governing bodies, UEFA and FIFA, have clear provisions against state interference in the game. While their primary concern has historically been direct government control of national associations, they could well choose to interpret these provisions more broadly. We have already seen their willingness to act even in response to the mere creation of this regulator, and we have seen the Government’s instant removal of a clause in this Bill relating to foreign and trade policy. This tension means we must achieve a delicate balancing act: too little accountability and we clearly risk regulatory overreach; too much involvement of the state and our democratic institutions and we risk creating leverage that could be used against English football’s interest.
I have already spoken about some of the risks here. If Select Committee oversight and IFR responsibility to both bodies was seen as political interference, it could feasibly create that leverage we have warned about whereby clubs participating in European competition, or even England’s tournament participation, is put in jeopardy. We have already seen concerning signs of how these tensions might play out. In just a short time since this Bill’s introduction, we have witnessed numerous attempts to expand the regulator’s scope from environmental sustainability to ticketing prices and kick-off times to corporate responsibility requirements. I am concerned about how this pressure might intensify with direct parliamentary oversight.
Members of the other place, responding quite correctly to constituents’ concerns, might press the regulator to intervene in broadcast arrangements or ticket allocations, or elements that go to the heart of competition tools that should be reserved for the leagues. Select Committees could demand action on issues far beyond the regulator’s core financial sustainability purpose. Each intervention, however well intentioned, risks creating exactly the kind of state interference that could threaten English football’s international position.
We have seen this pattern in other sectors: regulatory mission creep that is driven by political pressure and external events. Football’s unique international framework makes this dynamic particularly dangerous. Every expansion of scope and political intervention creates new vulnerability to UEFA and FIFA leverage. I would be grateful if the Minister, when she responds, could explain how the Government intend to manage these competing demands. How will they maintain appropriate accountability while preventing political pressure from expanding the regulator’s remit? How will they ensure that parliamentary oversight does not become a backdoor for state intervention in football’s affairs? What safeguards will protect against the regulator being drawn into issues that should remain matters for the football authorities only?
Finally, I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm whether this issue has been directly discussed with UEFA and, if so, what its view is on how the IFR’s independence should be preserved in this respect. It seems clear that without comprehensive assurances on every single aspect of the IFR and how it will operate, we risk inadvertently subjecting English football to permanent external control. The irony of creating this leverage will be quite incredible. In seeking to protect our game through regulation, we must not end up permanently compromising its independence and losing control of English football for ever.
My Lords, when the noble Baroness, Lady Brady, started speaking, I thought that we were going to have a first. She started off by agreeing with the noble Lord, Lord Parkinson, on some points that I would agree with him on. Then she went totally against that and said that a Select Committee might be too interfering. I point out to her that the Select Committee that covers DCMS has, for many years, talked about the problems in football such as ticket pricing and the timing of matches. That has not impinged in any way on any international arrangements.
We have to make a clear distinction between Parliament and the Executive, because we are not talking about state control or government control. What we are talking about in this amendment is a proper accountability for any regulator. As I mentioned at Second Reading, I have the privilege of chairing the Industry and Regulators Committee of this House. We had a report about who regulates the regulator, so it is strange that the noble Baroness should use those words. This is not about regulating the regulator; it is actually about holding regulators to account. Both Houses have a very important role to play in making sure that regulators are held to account by Parliament.
I go further: if some of the regulators had been held to account more closely by Parliament in recent years, we would not, for example, have the crisis that we have today in the water industry. There has been a failure of Parliament to hold regulators to account.
My Amendment 89 is not grouped with these amendments but covers very similar points and the same principle. I hope that the Minister will give us an assurance that Parliament will have a role to play in holding all regulators to account, including the independent football regulator.
(3 months ago)
Lords ChamberI am very grateful to my noble friend for giving way. Was it not said at some stage during the consideration of the predecessor Bill before the election that it would be a good idea if the regulator was up and running and got some experience of the regime being introduced before considering extending it?
A few minutes ago, we heard that Members opposite thought that this would be too great a burden on smaller clubs. So perhaps it is a good idea to consider when the time is right and what experience the new regulator will have.
It was the smaller clubs, as well as us, that said it would be a burden to them. I read out what the National League’s general manager said about his clubs and their concerns.