Cities and Local Government Devolution Bill [HL]

Baroness Royall of Blaisdon Excerpts

Monday 29th June 2015 Lords Chamber

For all those reasons I am hoping that this set of amendments will generate a discussion. I know that the argument has previously been made that, “We don’t want to waste time on local government reorganisation, and anyway we will only consider proposals for its reorganisation if everybody is agreed on a way forward”. I think that many of the noble Lords in the Chamber come from metropolitan areas. Although there have been strong competing rivalries between councils in metropolitan areas in the past, a strong mutual interest has prevailed in those rivalries. In two-tier areas, it is different. There is an inbuilt structural tension between the authorities and conflict between them. There is a debate which is existential for quite a few people, and you will never get agreement. That is why I am asking not for the Secretary of State to dictate but for an openness to incentivise local authorities to talk to each other and begin to reach an agreement by saying, “There are circumstances in which we could go ahead and streamline local government even if we don’t have unanimity”. I leave it there for now, in the hope that the Minister will take on board some of this unsolicited advice.

[Baroness Royall of Blaisdon (Lab)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow my noble friend. I agree with much of what he was saying, especially in relation to county regions. I apologise for not having participated in the debate beforehand, but much of it has of course been about metropolitan areas and the growth spur needed for them. I fear that in county areas we will be left behind even more, so I hope that the Government will soon come out with some ideas about what they will be doing about county regions, because those are fundamental to the well-being of our country as a whole.

The Explanatory Memorandum clearly states that the Bill is to,

“support delivery of the Government’s manifesto commitment to ‘devolve powers and budgets to boost local growth in England’, in particular … ‘economic development’”.

That is absolutely fine and we could agree with it all over the Chamber. However, the potential of devolution is far more than economic. It should be about much more than our economic well-being. It should be about the devolution of power not just to local politicians but to communities and citizens. It should be about the devolution of functions and powers to the lowest possible level, and about empowering citizens. It is an opportunity to reconnect people with politics and to help restore trust in our system of governance. Like all noble Lords, I am concerned about the rise of populism in this country—indeed, throughout the European Union—and my amendment seeks to address people’s feelings of distance and alienation, albeit in a very small way. This is about a new politics, a new way of doing politics, which I believe is necessary for the democratic well-being of our country.

I draw noble Lords’ attention to an excellent publication by Claudia Chwalisz of the Policy Network and the Barrow Cadbury Trust entitled The Populist Signal: Why Politics and Democracy Need to Change. Drawing on new survey data in the UK as well as interviews and case studies, the publication shows that people are concerned with the process of politics, not merely its performance, and that they have genuine desire for greater political participation in the decision-making process. It cites examples of interactive forums such as citizens’ assemblies, which allow political institutions to involve citizens in making decisions that affect them. These are not a threat to formal systems of government but much-needed additions to enrich democracy. People might not trust politics, politicians and policies, but they do want to be engaged in decision-making about the services that most affect them.

Young people in particular want a different way of doing things in place of the hierarchical, top-down ways of traditional politics and governance. It seems to me that the Bill could provide an opportunity to encourage local government to devolve powers to local communities and citizens. When people feel, as they do, that the current system does not work for them, populism comes to the fore. The devolution of power to the people is a means of countering the simplistic attractions of the populists, who are feeding off anger and a politics of grievance. This means that politicians at local as well as national level must loosen their grip on power, not just between different levels of government but directly to communities and to individuals as well. It means empowering people and giving them a voice. By this I do not mean consulting local people and then taking no notice of their views; I mean involving them in making important political decisions and enabling them to shape their local services.

There are already some excellent examples of where this sort of policy has been successful. I am sure that many noble Lords can cite examples. I know that my honourable friend Steve Reed, when leader of the council in Lambeth, shared power with, for example, tenants on local estates and with young people in respect of youth provision in their locality. I know that Councillor Sharon Taylor, the excellent leader of Stevenage Council, is doing likewise.

I recognise that it will take some time to familiarise people, including elected politicians, with the idea that “ordinary citizens” can and should be involved in making important political decisions and being properly empowered. Voting, in terms of engagement, is not working, and we have to find new ways of engaging people. It is all very well for us to consider the devolution of power and budgets, but it is the citizens of our country whose views must be taken into consideration. Their voices must be heeded. In doing so, the Government and local government would help to bridge the widening gap between people and politicians, as well as improving their citizens and their lives. The amendment before us now would go some way to addressing these problems, and I hope that the Government will take it into account.

[Lord Scriven]

I will very quickly say that I fully support everything that the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, said. When I was leader of Sheffield City Council, we did things such as devolution down to citizens and communities, participatory budgeting, restorative justice—all the things that gave people not just power but actually a stake in the community—and they became authors of a better communities and better well-being where they are. I fully support that, because at times we talk about devolution but we talk about it to a body rather than actually empowering our citizens and our communities to be part of that.

Following on from that, I would just like to comment on some of the things that the noble Lord, Lord Liddle, said. He talked about not wanting to impose, but then spoke for quite a long time about one county—his own—coming around to a unitary authority, and what that might mean. He said that he did not want the Secretary of State to dictate, but that is exactly what Amendment 44L would do. The Minister has heard me for the last few days talking about things that I want in the Bill. This time I shall probably support her saying that she does not want this in the Bill. Amendment 44L would completely change everything about an empowering and enabling Bill. It says that,

“where there is no agreement by all the local authorities to whom the regulations are to apply on the arrangements under subsection (1), the Secretary of State may make provision for unitary governance arrangements based on recommendations of a body appointed by the Secretary of State”.

That basically means dictation if there is no agreement in that area. That is what the amendment actually says.