(2 months, 1 week ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, in normal times—does anyone remember those?—I would probably have focused my remarks on the gracious Speech on a number of other issues I care about: women’s health, women’s rights, violence against women and girls, pornography, childhood harms, including social media and smartphones, obesity—all topics I am more comfortable with. But today, I step outside my comfort zone, because, like many, I am so worried about the divisions in our country, graphically illustrated by the two marches in London this weekend, at a policing cost of £4.5 million. The growth of sectarian politics, illustrated by the election of hundreds of new councillors who care more about Middle Eastern politics than local issues, is extremely worrying. Measures to deal with extremism, counterterrorism and state threats included in the King’s Speech are welcome but surely do not go far enough.
Our national security, the integrity of our democracy and the cohesion of our society are all under immense pressure as never before. The extremist threat facing Britain has evolved rapidly and our response has not kept pace. As MI5’s director confirmed in his threat updates from last October and 2024, Islamist extremism remains the most significant terrorism threat to the UK and accounts for 75% of MI5’s case load. We are watching how this plays out in real time, with the increasing number of antisemitic terror-related attacks, some with clear ideological motivation and links to foreign influence networks, including those aligned with hostile states. If anyone is still in any doubt about the rise of antisemitism, they have only to look at the StandWithUs UK report, based on the testimonies of Jewish students who have been isolated, assaulted and intimidated on campus.
Evidence shows that Islamist extremist communications have generated the highest and most volatile levels of activities, often intensifying in response to geopolitical crises, particularly those relating to the Middle East. This matters profoundly because it demonstrates that threats to our domestic security are not isolated from global events; they are shaped by them, amplified by them, and increasingly imported into our online and civic spaces in real time. At the same time, extremist narratives—Islamist, far right and others—are no longer neatly separated; they are converging. They share common features: conspiracy theories, anti-establishment sentiment and hostility towards democratic institutions. We see another worrying trend: the growing involvement of young people, sometimes very young people, drawn into extremist ecosystems through digital platforms where Islamist propaganda, alongside other forms of extremism, spreads rapidly and often unchecked. This is no longer simply a matter of isolated extremist groups; it is an ecosystem enabled by technology, influenced by international events and capable of mobilising individuals at scale.
We must be willing to acknowledge the scale and persistence of these threats without fear or equivocation and, equally, without stigmatising communities who are themselves often the first victims of these ideologies. We need a modernised counterextremism framework that goes beyond terrorism prevention, one that can intervene earlier, particularly in online spaces where radicalisation now primarily occurs. Extremism thrives where trust is weak, where truth is contested and where communities feel divided and unheard, and that is certainly the case today. People are angry, afraid, suspicious and divided but still long for a country at ease with itself. They do not feel that the Government understand or share their concerns. They worry about increasing antisemitism and what feels like a tin-eared response to recent atrocities. I urge the Government to listen to them and act urgently, or we will all pay the price.
(4 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, every possible argument will be rehearsed today by the 140 speakers, and many passionate and eloquent speeches will be made, showing this House at its best. I know both sides will debate and disagree with courtesy, and with an understanding of the importance of our role.
I believe an assisted dying law is needed in the UK to address the unacceptable suffering of dying people and the lack of protections in the current law. The Assisted Dying Bill—supported, as the noble Baroness said, by 84% of the British public—would enable terminally ill, mentally competent adults in England and Wales to die well and on their own terms, should they choose it. It would provide choice to those who are suffering, even after receiving our world-leading palliative and end-of-life care.
The Bill would place greater protections and upfront safeguards than those that exist in the current law. Laws from around the world, including the United States, Australia and New Zealand, show that choice at the end of life and protection for potentially vulnerable people are not mutually exclusive but key features of a robust assisted dying law.
The current blanket ban on assisted dying does not work well: it thwarts open discussion between dying people, their doctors, and friends and family, forcing some people to suffer unbearably against their wishes or plan other ways to die on their own terms—whether this is an assisted death overseas or a lonely, violent death at home. I know this Bill may go no further today, but I look forward to the day when we have a Bill that does.