(3 weeks, 3 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I am humbled to introduce this Bill in your Lordships’ House. I am grateful to all noble Lords who have joined us today. I declare my interest as vice-chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Humanist Group and put on record my thanks to Humanists UK as the secretariat that helped me bring forward the Bill, and to the National Secular Society.
More than three years ago, I first stood in this Chamber to put forward the same Bill. Back then, it passed through the Lords but fell in the other place due to lack of time. I am also grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Meacher, who put forward an amendment to introduce inclusive assemblies to the Schools Bill in 2022. So this is a Bill whose time has come.
The UK is the only western democracy that legally imposes worship in publicly funded schools. Sections 70 and 71 of the Schools Standards and Framework Act require all state schools that are not of a religious nature already to hold daily acts of collective worship that must be of a “wholly or mainly” Christian character. The Bill seeks to reform assemblies in schools without a religious character to make sure they include all children and contribute to their spiritual, moral, social and cultural development.
In my opinion, school assemblies can be a good thing. They should foster a sense of community and promote the moral and social development of pupils. But that is not what is happening in many schools today, because the required religious aspect means that many children are withdrawn from assemblies, often to be left in corridors or classrooms, excluded from their peers and without any meaningful equivalent activity, which can make a child feel excluded and different. Some non-Christian children will feel pressurised to attend just to fit in.
This is not a radical Bill, and it would not impact on the teaching of religion or belief in schools. It would not affect the ability of the one-third of schools that are religious schools to conduct collective worship, although it does mandate that children withdrawn from collective worship in these schools should be awarded equally meaningful school assemblies instead of being left in corridors. It would allow pupils and teachers at schools of no religious character to organise voluntary acts of worship for children who want to attend, so long as their parents permit them to do so.
The Bill would not end assemblies in schools. Rather, it would require schools to hold assemblies focused on the spiritual, moral, social and cultural development of all children. The British Social Attitudes survey consistently shows that around half of British adults say they belong to no religion and that more than 60% do not identify as Christian. Of those aged 18 to 24, 68% say they are non-religious versus 18% saying they are Christian.
Parents welcome the Bill. A 2019 YouGov poll asked parents to rank a list of 13 possible activities that could take place in a school assembly, and they ranked collective worship last. In fact, more than half said that religious worship was not an appropriate activity. Instead, in front of religious worship they ranked the environment and nature, physical and mental health, the celebration of achievements, equality and non-discrimination, charity and volunteering, relationships and self-esteem, exploration of moral and ethical issues, humanitarian issues, historical events, art and culture, education about religions and beliefs, and politics and government. In my opinion, and in that of these children’s parents, those are the topics we should be covering in assemblies.
Parents are right that worship is not appropriate. It does not uphold children’s rights under the Human Rights Act 1998 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Younger children also have the right to freedom of religion or belief, and this right is not respected if religious worship is imposed on them. Accordingly, the UN children’s rights committee has for years called for the repeal of the UK’s compulsory worship laws and did so again in 2023. Moreover, a recent poll of school leaders found that 70% opposed collective worship and only 12% supported the current law.
Finally, I thank all Peers for joining us today. The former Bishop of Oxford, the noble and right reverend Lord, Lord Harries of Pentregarth, wrote to give his apologies and asked me to say a few words on his behalf in support of the Bill. He said that just because he believes in the Christian faith and to him it is of supreme importance, he sees no reason why non-religious teachers should have to conduct collective worship for pupils, many of whom would be of other religions or beliefs. The Bill presents an opportunity to uphold children’s rights to freedom of religion or belief and to enable them to be present and included in their school life. I beg to move.
I am very grateful to everyone who has expressed their views today. The variety of different views that noble Lords have expressed has quite surprised me and I am quite delighted that we have at least had the opportunity to make these points. I do think it is a subject we need to address, because the situation we have at the moment is that some schools are doing one thing and some schools are doing another. That does not mean to say that everybody has to do exactly the same thing—I totally disagree with that—but it does mean that we have to be much more open to different pupils’ needs in schools.
To my mind, it all boils down to inclusivity. You cannot share values with your colleagues and with your fellow students if you are not there—that is the point. It is all very well saying that you can definitely exclude some children, but I do not want children to be excluded; I want them to be included. That is hugely important, and it is a point that one or two of the speakers today have missed.
I will not go into all the details of today’s contributions, but I feel a great sense of empathy with the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, being a corridor child. It is he and his descendants that I am trying to include and involve in what is going on in schools today. I also bring to the attention of those who have spoken in less than resounding terms that parents do not want it—this is the point. I ask them to think about how we can bring everyone together. That is all I want to do, because the system we are working on at the moment not only is anachronistic but does not work, because different children are having all kinds of different experiences.
I echo a couple of things that the noble Lord, Lord Watson, said. If we will not get a change of law, how about a change of guidance? That was an excellent idea. He also held out the leaf of hope that we might be able to fit an appropriate amendment to the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill to bring everyone together there. With that, I hope that we may still go forward to the next stage.
(3 months, 2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I have great hopes that we are pushing against an open door in respect of my noble friend’s Bill, because promises regarding a mandatory register have been made for years, although they never materialised under previous Conservative Governments. I have great hopes for our forgotten children this time. How many of them are there? We just do not know. The DfE can only estimate perhaps as many as 185,000 children, and all the rules regarding safeguarding children have seemingly ceased to apply.
On our Benches there is no disagreement in acknowledging the right of a parent to home-school their child. Post-Covid, this has become a lot more popular. But we need to understand what lies behind the decision to home-educate. Sometimes it is because, as has been mentioned, local authorities have failed in their duty to provide suitable, safe education. For example, children with special educational needs have been mentioned. There are also children who have been bullied at school.
However, sometimes, a child is not receiving enough of the right quality of education to fit them for adult life. Sometimes the reasons are more sinister, and a child is being neglected and abused, so luridly exemplified by the systematic abuse and tragic, horrific death of Victoria Climbié.
Concern about family privacy should never be allowed to undermine the best interests of the child. Lack of a compulsory register gives the opportunity for unregistered schools to flourish, which can then avoid oversight from the DfE and hence avoid regulations which may conflict with their religious teachings.
Freedom to practise a religion does not give religious groups the right to deprive children of an adequate education in a safe setting. I am respectful of mainstream registered religious schools, but unregistered religious schools in particular fail to conform to school standards, particularly regarding safeguarding and quality of education. This leaves those children open to physical abuse and woefully underprepared for the outside world, dependent on the insular religious community they were born into. They do not know what the outside world has to offer, and they may never break free.
I urge the Minister to take advantage of my noble friend’s Bill to reclaim our lost children and give them the education they need and deserve in a safe environment, to the standard that will equip them to become successful and productive citizens of tomorrow.
(3 months, 3 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberThe reason why it is so important that we allow the independent statistical services to develop the question appropriately is precisely that it will be used more widely in other public services. Of course it is important that that has the confidence of those responding to the question and of the services being provided. To that extent, therefore, I share the noble Baroness’s concern to ensure that that statistical collection is robust and appropriate and is informing services, including the NHS, in a way that users need it to.
I hope the Minister will acknowledge that—given the downgraded English figures, which gave the trans and non-binary population as 0.55%, and given that the figure we found for Scottish, Welsh, Canadian, USA and GB patients is 0.44%—we can conclude that the English census figures are not a million miles out and that the actual number of people in question is tiny in proportion to the amount of time we spend talking about them. Can we not, instead, use these figures to help design services appropriately for them, and move on?
This is my first opportunity to answer a Question on this issue in this House, but I certainly take the noble Baroness’s point that it is important that we have accurate and respected statistics, but that we are also providing services to people on the basis of their needs, particularly for LGBT+ people, and that they are safe, included and protected from discrimination. That, along with protection of sex-based rights where necessary, is what this Government will focus on.
(9 months, 3 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy noble friend makes a good and poignant point about talking to young people in their own language and on their own terms and, as he says, using social media to reach them. We know that part of the issue with period poverty and wider women’s health matters may be a financial one that is a barrier to accessing products, but equally if not more important is the stigma associated with raising issues like this, which we need to try to remove as quickly as possible.
My Lords, according to the pressure group Bloody Good Period, in the workplace, two-thirds of people who menstruate do not have access to the basic essentials they need, costing British industry £3.3 billion in lost workdays. We often feel a bit squeamish talking about these matters, but what will the Government do to make employers aware of the inequality that so many of their employees face, and of how easily and cheaply productivity could be increased?
The department is well aware that women in the workplace miss extra days of work, suffer pain and stay in the workplace in considerable discomfort. Our experience is that employers often want to help but are not always very confident about how to do so, be it period-related or menopause-related issues. We are working with a range of businesses and professional membership bodies to identify how employers can best support women’s wider reproductive health and share their good practice.
(9 months, 3 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the impact of removing the admissions cap on state-funded faith schools on community integration and cohesion.
My Lords, the admissions cap has not significantly increased the diversity of intake in faith-designated free schools, and it has prevented providers such as the Catholic Church, which attracts a more diverse intake, opening new schools. All faith-designated free schools are required to demonstrate their commitment to community cohesion and how they promote fundamental British values.
My Lords, this policy would increase religious discrimination in schools that the British taxpayer is paying for. Many parents will be paying for local schools from which their own children will be excluded. It will diminish diversity and inclusiveness, increase racial segregation and further disadvantage poorer families, non-religious families, and families of the “wrong” religion. It is hard to find an upside to this, so why are the Government proposing such a retrograde step when they supported the 50% cap until only a short time ago?
The Government do not see it as a retrograde step and I do not accept the description that the noble Baroness makes of our faith schools, which are extremely inclusive, many working with other schools in their local area, and which produce some of the best academic results in the country.
(10 months ago)
Lords ChamberAs I said, the Government have done extensive work engaging with employers in this area. We have the important work of the Inclusive Britain report. An employer of, say, 250 employees would typically have 25 ethnic-minority employees, if it was in line with the national average. With 18 separate ethnicities, the noble Lord can do the maths on the sample size.
My Lords, I welcome the Minister’s agreement to take this matter back. As I have said before, what you do not measure you cannot manage. I appreciate that the ethnicity mix of one’s workforce is a bit more complex than with compulsory registration of gender pay gaps, but that policy works very well. I hope the Minister will agree that it would be a worthwhile requirement for any larger employer that sees the benefit of having a more diverse and inclusive workforce.
The Government agree that it is worth while but not that it should be mandatory. We have developed clear guidance for employers and are seeking case studies from employers monitoring ethnicity pay data—but also, crucially, their diagnosis of any gaps and their action plan to address those gaps—so that other employers can benefit from their experience.
(1 year ago)
Lords ChamberIn response to the noble Baroness’s first question, as she understands very well, a number of factors influence how quickly the gender pay gap will decline. Obviously, there is so much research now on the value of a diverse workforce and how that improves profitability and competitiveness; we hope it will accelerate. In relation to ethnicity pay gap reporting, the noble Baroness will be aware that this gap is 2.3%, much smaller than the gender pay gap. We are working on promoting our guidance on how to address this through employer groups. In relation to disability reporting, following the successful court action we are reviewing our responses to the consultation.
My Lords, does the Minister agree that the value of any employee should be based on the contribution that they will make to the organisation, not what they were earning before? Research by the charity Fawcett found that 61% of job applicants asked about previous salary history said that it damaged their confidence to negotiate a better salary. Does she not agree that this requirement bakes in gender, race and disability inequality and prevents people on lower salaries ever making the salary strides they need?
Those were some of the questions we explored in our pay transparency pilot, which looked at the impact of requiring employers to put salary information into their job recruitment advertisements and not asking about previous salaries. We plan to publish the methodology for that so that employers can adopt it. We will also do more work to look at the challenges of implementation.
(1 year ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, my understanding is that the existing review is still out for consultation, so the noble Baroness, Lady Fox, might be jumping the gun a bit by asking whether the Government plan a further review. All her concerns are, of course, noted. While we are waiting, I ask the Minister: were children and young people consulted in the creation of the guidelines that are out for consultation now?
The department typically works through a range of stakeholder groups, including those that represent the voice of children. There have been direct conversations with children on these issues.
(1 year, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child’s recommendation that the United Kingdom should prevent the use of religion as a selection criterion for school admissions in England.
My Lords, the UK is a proud signatory of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, the Government support faith schools’ ability to set faith-based oversubscription criteria. This allows parents to have their children educated in line with their religious beliefs. Faith schools can give priority to applicants on the basis of faith only when they are oversubscribed. Where places are available, they must admit all children who apply.
My Lords, I am not sure that is quite correct. Not a lot of people know this, but children from non-religious families may experience double discrimination when it comes to selection at schools. Approximately 40% of all faith schools and 60% of Catholic schools give priority to children of families of any religion against those of no religion. As the equalities spokesperson and a humanist, I agree with the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, which has urged the UK to end the use of religion as a selection criterion for school admissions in England. Does the Minister agree that all children, irrespective of faith or belief background, should have equal right to access schools funded by taxpayers’ money?
As I tried to set out in my initial Answer, we believe that all children have equal access. Only when a school is oversubscribed can the admissions authority introduce additional restrictions. Indeed, many faith schools do not restrict on the basis of faith.
(1 year, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberThe noble Baroness rightly cited the seven prosecutions; however, she did not repeat the statistic that 129 of the schools investigated have either closed or changed their operations so that they comply with the law. By definition, it is difficult to track illegal unregistered schools, but there are a number of routes—for example, a member of the public or others can report concerns around extremism directly to the department.
My Lords, like the noble Baronesses, Lady Blackstone and Lady Whitaker, one of my big concerns about the delay in dealing with these schools is the toll it is taking on the children. They report being unprepared for modern life, forced to study a narrow curriculum from dawn to dusk with no English, maths or science available and not even speaking English. This has been delayed for years. What does the Minister have to say to them?