Lord Scriven Portrait Lord Scriven (LD)
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This group of amendments has to do with learning disabilities and autism, and the implementation of the Government’s recommendations, particularly on the change in detention criteria. My Amendment 33 is probing; I shall come to its details shortly. The Committee needs to look into this subject, because many times before in government policy we have seen a good aim and good intentions of moving care into the community, but all too often the facilities have not been there, and people have ended up in crisis.

I tabled Amendment 33 to probe the Government’s staged approach to ensure that community facilities are in place before the change in detention happens, and to understand their timing. On page 72 of the impact assessment, the suggestion is that the change will not happen until the community facilities are in place. That is good, but that could be five, 10 or 15 years away, so the Committee needs to understand the Government’s approach to timing.

Amendment 34, tabled by my noble friend Lady Barker, and the amendment tabled by the noble Earl, Lord Howe, cover mandatory training for medical staff and others associated with looking after people with learning disabilities and autism, to detect the signs, so that people are not missed and put into detention.

My Amendment 33 would create an obligation for the Government to lay a costed plan for sufficient services before Parliament within four months of the passage of the Bill. The four-month period is important, because we really need to understand the Government’s intentions on timing. The change in detention criteria for autistic people and people with learning disabilities is a vital change in the Bill, to ensure that people are not inappropriately detained but are supported in the community instead.

As I have said, success depends on there being sufficient services in each area across the country to meet the needs of autistic people and people with learning disabilities. Based on the impact assessment, we know that the Government do not plan to enact those, so it is important that when the Minister replies, she lets the Committee know exactly what the timing is and what the Government’s assumed plans are.

In the equality impact assessment, there are dates for both funding and implementation, which seem to be at the same time. As a former NHS manager, I can say that people cannot start a service involving such a change and receive the funding in the same year. There has to be upfront funding to enable people to plan the services over time. Otherwise, the services are not there, and staff run round trying to get services when people are in distress. It is important to understand that.

Additionally, as the NHS long-term plan target to reduce the number of detentions of autistic people and people with learning disabilities has been missed, there are no active targets to get people out of hospitals. My amendment tries to put in targets to hold the Government and the services to account on ensuring that people are not inappropriately detained.

It is important to have a comprehensive action plan, which is what my amendment seeks to do, and to find out exactly how the Government intend to build and fund those community services moving forward. Additionally, this must include new targets to reduce the number of detentions of autistic people and people with learning disabilities. The timelines for building this support will also be crucial if the Government are to meet the expected 2026-27 commencement date for the new detention criteria for autistic people and people with learning disabilities.

I hope that the Minister will fully brief the Committee so we can make an informed decision about not just the thinking of the Government but the detailed implementation around community services with the change of criteria. I look forward to hearing noble Lords speak to their amendments on the provision of training and the appropriateness of medical practitioners’ expert knowledge of learning disabilities and autism. I beg to move.

Baroness Barker Portrait Baroness Barker (LD)
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My Lords, I shall speak to my Amendment 34. As I do so, I extend my condolences to the noble Baroness, Lady Hollins. We miss her very much today. She was extremely helpful to me only a few days ago when we were discussing the subject of this amendment, so I hope I do her a lot of justice with this.

We have heard time and time again that people with learning disabilities and autism find themselves on the wrong end of diagnoses made by practitioners with the best of intent, quite often when people are at points of severe distress, that are inappropriate because the people making them have not perhaps had the degree of experience and knowledge of working with people with learning disabilities and autism as they would otherwise have done.

We started to discuss last week that, while there are mental disorders for which detention in the sorts of facilities that we fund in acute hospitals in the NHS is right and appropriate, there are also some people for whom detention in those circumstances is absolutely not; it is an aggravating factor. Therefore, in my amendment I am seeking to address that issue: not just the competence of the people making decisions about detention and treatment but also the confidence with which they, as professionals, can approach the jobs that they are increasingly being required to do. Knowledge and understanding of learning disability and autism is expanding all the time. We now have a greater number of adults than ever before who, at stages in later life, are being diagnosed as being autistic, and I am quite sure that quite a number of those people have been subject to misdiagnosis.

The particular thing that I want to focus on is training for people who are responsible for detention and high levels of treatment. Noble Lords will be aware of the tragic case of Oliver McGowan, a young man with learning disabilities who was inappropriately treated and died. There has been an amazing campaign by his mother to ensure that that does not happen to other people by making sure that anybody who is involved in the provision of mental health services has undergone appropriate training and understands learning disabilities and autism.

My understanding from Oliver’s mother is that there are three tiers of training. Tier 1 is a level of training which is required for all people who work generally with people with learning disabilities and autism. They need to have this general level of awareness. Tier 2 is for health and social care staff and others with responsibility for providing care and support for a person or people with learning disabilities or autistic people but who would seek support from others in a complex management and decision-making process. They would be part of a team referring up to others. Tier 3 is specialist training for professionals who have a high degree of autonomy and are able to provide care in very complex situations, which might include people with learning disabilities and autism.

The training appears to be sequential. You have to have completed tier 1 training in order to go on to tier 2 and then tier 3. Tier 1 is an e-training module which takes about half a day. As far as I understand it, about 1.5 million people have done that. That is a good thing: we are getting to a greater basic understanding of learning disability and autism by many people across the NHS going about doing their jobs. Tier 2 is a one-day intensive training programme, and that has not gone so well. There have been problems with its implementation, and it is not clear how many people have undergone that training. There are also some quite considerable questions about the quality and scope of that training.

Tier 3 is not part of the Oliver McGowan programme, although it is the most relevant to this Bill. As of December 2024, the Department of Health website makes absolutely no mention of tier 3 training at all. Can the Minister tell us where the development of that training is up to, and who is responsible for ensuring that the content of it is suitable? Is it sufficiently developed for people who are having to make very difficult decisions, particularly around detention of people who are quite often in a state of disturbance at the point at which that decision is taken? If we do not follow up on this tier 3 training, then we are going to carry on in the situation where we are now, where we know that people are being wrongly diagnosed by people who, perhaps, should not be expected entirely to understand them because their professional training up to this point has largely not included such people.

The noble Baroness, Lady Murphy, and I bow to her superior knowledge, very much made the case to us last week that we are talking about different types of mental disorders and very different specialisms across the mental health services. I am therefore asking that anybody who is in a position of making the decision to detain—and let us remember that people are making decisions to detain not just under the mental health legislation but also, at times, under the mental capacity legislation—should be appropriately trained. That is why I put down my amendment which, I admit, is not perfect, but I hope that the Minister might take some of my point and my intent and that we might take this forward together.

Baroness Browning Portrait Baroness Browning (Con)
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My Lords, I shall speak to my Amendment 42A in this group, which follows on from the two previous amendments from the noble Lord, Lord Scriven, and the noble Baroness, Lady Barker, particularly the details that the noble Baroness has gone into about the need for training and expertise for people who are dealing across the piece with those with autism and learning disability and, importantly, when those clinicians take the decision to admit somebody. As we know, one of the problems that is facing us and why it is so important that these issues have come forward in this particular Bill is because there have been so many inappropriate admissions where people have been detained for so long that it has become a scandal.

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The noble Baroness, Lady Barker, raised a specific point about specialist training, asking where the development of training was up to and who is responsible for ensuring its content. Providers are responsible for ensuring that staff receive sufficient training that is appropriate to their role, and that may well mean additional training beyond the Oliver McGowan mandatory training on learning disability and autism. As we know, additional training may come from a diverse range of sources, including, for example, training on child intellectual disability psychiatry or overmedication. NHS England is rolling out a national autism trainer programme in mental health services, and it commissioned the Royal College of Psychiatrists to deliver the national autism training programme for psychiatrists. That will reduce diagnostic overshadowing and it is intended it will play a significant role in preventing unnecessary admissions for autistic people to mental health hospitals and improve appropriate care for those with autism—I share concern about this important matter.
Baroness Barker Portrait Baroness Barker (LD)
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This is a key point for a lot of the amendments that noble Lords have asked about. Can the Minister write to all noble Lords with more detail of the training programme—its content, the timetable, who is going to be responsible for making sure that it is implemented and reviewed? Will she specifically deal, in that letter, with my question about whether tier 3 training is included?

Baroness Merron Portrait Baroness Merron (Lab)
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I would be very pleased to write to noble Lords, as the noble Baroness suggests.

Amendment 42A, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Browning, which the noble Lord, Lord Kakkar, also spoke to, relates to appropriate expertise in learning disability and autism for medical practitioners with responsibility for recommending admission for treatment. We strongly agree with the principle of this amendment. The current code of practice sets out that, where a patient is known to belong to a group for which particular expertise is desirable, at least one of the professionals involved in their assessment should have expertise in working with people from that group wherever possible. The code also makes clear that consideration should be given to any disability the person has in order that the assessment has regard to that in the way that it is carried out.

The noble Baroness, Lady Browning, asked further about how the Bill will make sure that professionals have the right skills and expertise. This whole area rightly comes up repeatedly when we debate.

I accept that it is crucial that those with a learning disability and autistic people are dealt with sensitively and professionally. It is crucial that clinicians are able to make distinctions between a learning disability or autism and any co-occurring mental health disorder—that point was made powerfully. It is a matter for clinical judgment to determine whether a person with a learning disability or an autistic person meets the criteria for detention under Part II, Section 3 due to a co-occurring psychiatric disorder. To assist clinicians in decision-making, we will update the code of practice to provide the guidance that will be necessary, and I hope that that will make a major change.

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I make two pleas. First, can we think about an app that could be part of the solution to this? Secondly, can we know more about whether this national partnership agreement is making progress? Both pleas require no change to the legislation.
Baroness Barker Portrait Baroness Barker (LD)
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My Lords, in speaking to my Amendment 49A, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady May, for her amendments. Those of us on the joint scrutiny committee spent a lot of time focusing on the fact that, in truth, a lot of what happens to people who are having mental health crises depends entirely on where they are, who is there and who somebody passing in the street and tries to help them thinks is the right person to call at a moment of emergency.

We are all in agreement that the police have for too long been the default answer to a problem but are not the right answer to a problem. The police know they are not the right answer to a problem—I say that as somebody who has lots of police officers in my family. A lot of people having a mental health crisis will end up in A&E just because the lights are on and that is where people go. We are still dealing with one of the problems the Wessely review touched upon, and that is lack of timely access to an accurate diagnosis.

My amendment, which I admit was suggested by practitioners in the field, tries to deal with the fact that we do not have an abundance of consultant psychiatrists who are there at the drop of a hat to make assessments. The amendment probes whether we might help things by opening up the eligibility to make diagnoses under Section 12 to people who are health professionals but not necessarily medical practitioners. Back in 2006-07, we had the massive argument about bringing in approved mental health professionals. That was a big battle and there was a lot of rearguard action on the part of consultant psychiatrists, who saw it as a downgrading. Approved mental health practitioners are now very much part of our mental health services and they are a good part of our mental health services.

The amendment is trying to open up the making of assessments, simply in order to speed up access to appropriate services. We all understand, and are talking about, the fact that, although we can see the effects of waiting lists and so on on physical health services, waiting lists and the lack of access to appropriate treatment in mental health services are much more hidden. People end up in limbo unless and until there is some kind of outrage, or, to go back to the noble Baroness’s point, until they do something sufficiently serious.

We ought to be freeing up the capacity of consultant psychiatrists in particular, because not only is demand growing but there are also particular areas of specialist demand—young people with eating disorders, for example. I frequently hear of worried parents being told that their children are not sufficiently ill to get treatment. They are not alone; there are other people in that same situation. My modest amendment is an attempt to open up and make better use of the skills we have within the NHS workforce.

Lord Davies of Brixton Portrait Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab)
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This is the first time I have spoken in Committee on the Bill, so I declare my interest as a member of the advisory panel of the Money and Mental Health Policy Institute. I shall speak to my Amendment 158, which, as the noble Baroness, Lady May of Maidenhead, said, covers essentially the same ground as hers, and they both aim at the same endpoint. Her elegant and compelling speech has left me in the position of just having to emphasise issues; the case made was compelling, and I hope the Committee will agree. In particular, I hope the Minister will be able to make some sort of positive response.

This proposal does not flow specifically from the independent review, but it is in the spirit of what was in that review. The background to the changing nature of mental health services is the significant material increase in the demand for mental health services over the past few years, and the growing number of people on the mental health waiting list or seeking community support.

This unmet need has consequences, which are felt by front-line medical staff. My amendment seeks to address that by giving additional powers to paramedics and appropriate mental health professionals. It would extend the reach of Section 136 of the Act, currently confined to constables—or police officers, as I say in my amendment. As previous speakers have said, that needs to be shared more widely.

The unfortunate reality of the current situation is that those detained under Section 136 get suboptimal care; we just do not have the resources available for them. There is inadequate provision of suites for Section 136 detention, and there are simply not enough clinicians. We all applaud and support the practice of “right care, right person”, but we must acknowledge that that only increases the demands on the service.

The result of all this is that, as we have heard, police officers are taken away from front-line policing duties for many hours. That is bad for everyone involved—for the police officers, for the health service, and particularly for the patients. At the same time, the skills of non-medical health service staff have increased. They are now moving towards the sort of training that equips them to handle such situations. Obviously, giving staff extra powers will not resolve the situation, but we can learn from experience abroad, especially in Australia and New Zealand, where a range of health service staff have a practice called emergency care orders, with the intention of providing greater dignity, removing the sense of criminalisation, and providing appropriate care.

As my noble friend the Minister said, what we are looking for is beneficial interventions at the earliest possible stage. A key element in achieving that aim is extending the powers under Section 136 to wider professions. That is not to say that there is no role for police officers—there will always be occasions when their intervention is required—but saying that the single source of entry to services of someone suffering an acute mental health problem is through the intervention of the police is just wrong.

There have always been concerns when the powers of medical staff are extended, but this will be an issue of training, guidance and codes of practice—clearly, those will have to be provided—so that the additional powers can be used effectively.

To conclude, I emphasise the point that the noble Baroness, Lady May, made in opening the debate. We have moved beyond the point when the powers in Section 136 were essentially about public order—which is, quite rightly, a role for the police. We must ensure that now, commitments under Section 136 are the first stage of a process of medical treatment, in which the unfortunate individual suffering an acute problem with their mental health must be considered first. This is not about public order; it is about appropriate healthcare, where a range of health service professionals can exercise their trained judgment to the benefit of the patient.

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I turn to the point raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Buscombe, about digitalisation and the possible solutions. I was grateful to her for already having raised this in our previous engagement. As the noble Baroness referred to, we are keen to ensure, and will ensure, that the digital version of the advance choice document will be available at the point of need. We are currently working with NHS England to identify what investment is needed and how this may be possible. We can draw on the example led by the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust, King’s College London and Bipolar UK. Our aim is to ensure, through a digital format, that people can express their wishes and feelings using a range of means, in a way that best suits them. This is, of course, a very strong aspect of that. With that, I hope that the noble Baroness will feel able—
Baroness Barker Portrait Baroness Barker (LD)
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I thank the Minister for her characteristically full and attentive response. I understand why she is not too enamoured by my amendment, and I do not intend to push that much further. However, having listened to her response to the noble Baroness, Lady May, I cannot help but arrive at the conclusion that, while we are quite content, because we all agree, to see police officers being taken away, we are not going to change anybody else’s roles or responsibilities to plug what will be an inevitable gap. I return to something I have said today and previously: this will be the only mental health legislation for 20 years. If we let this go through, in the certain knowledge that we are creating a big gap which will not be filled by existing roles or the deployment of people within the NHS, we are being quite negligent. We are consigning a lot of people to finding themselves without appropriate support at moments of distress, and that goes for staff who happen to be around at the same time.

The noble Baroness, Lady May, is a fan of Geoffrey Boycott. I hope that she goes in to bat again and does not give up. There is an enormous gap here and we have just made it worse.

Baroness Merron Portrait Baroness Merron (Lab)
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I appreciate the contribution of the noble Baroness. None of us, including the Government, wishes to create a gap, either intentionally or unintentionally. I should have said in my remarks that the noble Earl, Lord Howe, asked whether I would meet the noble Baroness, Lady May, should she so wish. The answer is yes. I was glad to do so previously with the Secretary of State; it was extremely helpful.

I assure the noble Baroness, Lady Barker, that there is no intention to create a gap, and we would be happy to elaborate further. She is absolutely right to say that we should be cautious and that it would not be good legislation to do that. The challenge is whether the amendments before us are the answer. I hope that this is a helpful comment.