Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateTobias Ellwood
Main Page: Tobias Ellwood (Conservative - Bournemouth East)Department Debates - View all Tobias Ellwood's debates with the HM Treasury
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Commons ChamberUnfortunately, the hon. Gentleman fought the last election by saying that his constituents should vote Liberal Democrat to stop the Tory VAT bombshell. VAT has gone up, petrol is up as a result and his constituents will make their choice in two years’ time.
What do we have to look forward to this morning? Another painful, contorted and pathos-bathed Budget debate speech from the Business Secretary. I look across at him sitting on the Front Bench and cannot bear to read out once again all those pre-election quotes. You know the ones I mean, Mr Deputy Speaker—[Hon. Members: “Go on!”] No, I just cannot bear it. They were the ones in which he warned that the Chancellor’s austerity plan, his VAT rise and his rapid spending cuts would choke off the recovery and make the deficit worse. The Business Secretary knew that this plan would fail and he now knows that he is deeply implicated in its catastrophic economic failure, yet he still does not have the courage to stand up and speak out about it. Long, contorted and fudged essays in the New Statesman just will not do. No wonder he was completely ignored in yesterday’s Budget. It is a personal tragedy as well as a national tragedy, but we will hear from the Business Secretary shortly.
The right hon. Gentleman talks about economic failure. I have the UK annual debt figures going back a few years. When the right hon. Gentleman was in office, the UK debt was £347 billion. Before the crisis struck, it rose to £624 billion. After the crisis it ratcheted up another £200 billion. With this track record, why should the nation trust Labour with Britain’s finances ever again?
This is the Conservative Member who stated just two months ago that
“the past 2 and a half years have set Britain on the right track.”
The economy flatlined, borrowing stalled and the national debt is rising year by year by year on his Chancellor’s watch. The right track? I can scarcely think what the wrong track would be.
This morning we heard the Deputy Prime Minister on “Call Clegg” attacking the Leader of the Opposition for repeating the same attacks in this year’s Budget response as he used last year. I went back to my opening speech of a year ago, the one following the Chancellor’s third Budget, the omnishambles Budget. We all remember that one, don’t we? This is what I said a year ago:
“The British economy is stagnating, unemployment is rising…the Government’s deficit reduction plans have gone wildly off track, middle and lower-income families and pensioners are facing rising…prices, rising energy bills and falling living standards—and what did the Chancellor do in his Budget yesterday? Did he admit that his economic plan has failed? Did he act to kick-start the stalled recovery?...No.”—[Official Report, 22 March 2012; Vol. 542, c. 957.]
That was a year ago, and the tragedy is that 12 months on the position is even worse. In the words of the great Yogi Berra, it really is déjà vu all over again. It is a groundhog day Budget from a failing and out-of-touch Chancellor.
Twelve months on, living standards are still falling. The Office for Budget Responsibility says that real wages adjusted for inflation will be a full 2.4% lower in 2015 than in 2010—worse off under the Tories. It is groundhog day too because 12 months on, the economy is still flatlining. As recently as the autumn statement, the Chancellor was expecting growth of 1.2% this year, but the OBR has now halved that forecast to just 0.6%—not the right track; the wrong track. At the time of the spending review in autumn 2010 the Chancellor was expecting growth by now of 5.3%. So far it has been just 0.7%, and the stagnation and flatlining continue.
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman. He spoke about a deficit reduction plan. What year was he referring to? Was it 2001-02, when the deficit was £0.8 billion, or was it any one of the years leading up to the last year that Labour was in government, when it was a staggering £158 billion? Under the previous Government, the deficit increased in every single year after 2001. Will he tell me in which year his deficit was supposed to kick in?
I do not want to have to give the hon. Gentleman an economics lesson, although given that he thinks we are on the right track, perhaps he needs one. The Chancellor’s fiscal rule is to balance the current structural budget, excluding investment—[Interruption.] Don’t be so silly. [Interruption.]
It is a pleasure to participate in this important debate.
Labour has had its moment to spell out what it would do. We heard a lot of noise yesterday, and we have heard a lot today. What we thought was Keynesian economics was actually Hayek’s economic policy, because Labour is saying “Let’s do absolutely nothing.” It is welcome news that in the coalition’s fourth Budget, following the biggest financial crisis in our history, the deficit has been reduced by one third, employment is at record levels and private sector jobs are finally replacing those in the public sector by a ratio of 6:1. It is a difficult climate out there.
Does my hon. Friend think that one reason why Opposition Members are so gloomy is that they have failed to notice that the International Monetary Fund growth forecast for France and Germany for this year and next is lower than that for the UK?
My hon. Friend makes the point I was about to come on to. We are suffering from international gloom. Along with other major economies around the world, such as France, Germany, Japan and the United States, we are faring better, despite the problems of high oil and commodity prices and the frustratingly slow resolution of the eurozone crisis. That is thanks to the Government’s strategy of monetary and fiscal responsibility, along with supply-side reform.
In layman’s terms, monetary policies reflect the price the Government pay to borrow money and the total supply of money itself. It is thanks to our low interest rates that the cost of borrowing for individuals, banks and the Government is low. That helps to keep inflation low and provides the stability that investors need for confidence in the markets. On fiscal policy—how much money goes into the pot through taxes, and what comes out to influence economic activity—this Government are smaller than the previous Government. They have cut waste and are costing the taxpayer less, which is very positive. Indeed, the public sector borrowing requirement is down by a third from its post-war peak, only three years ago, of 11.2% of GDP.
There are many incentives in the Budget to help influence economic activity. I will mention just three main measures: the introduction of the £10,000 personal allowance, which essentially is a £700 tax cut for 24 million people; the new £2,000 employment allowance; and a cut in corporation tax to just 20%, which makes us one of the most competitive economies in the G20. They are all signs that Britain is open again for business.
There is not enough time to go through the other key aspects of the Budget that were mentioned in yesterday’s debate. The Help to Buy scheme, the new mortgage guarantee scheme, the cancellation of the 3p rise in fuel duty and the introduction of tax-free child care are all very welcome. I particularly welcome the £3 billion capital spending commitment and the £1.6 billion of sector-targeted funding, some of which I hope will come to my constituency of Bournemouth East, and to Dorset, which is developing an international reputation in aerospace industries and the digital economy. Indeed, it is nicknamed the silicon beach of south England.
The 0.7% GDP target for overseas development assistance spending is an historic achievement and sends an important message to the rest of the world about our lead role in the international community. Unsurprisingly, given the waste and mismanagement under the last Government, some are sceptical about how the money is being spent, but it is clear how ODA funds can be spent. It matters not who signs the cheques; what matters is what the project does, although traditionally the Department for International Development has signed them. On the modern battlefield, however, it is no longer just about defeating the enemy, but about giving the people who have been liberated the skills to look after themselves. Clearly, war fighting does not qualify for ODA funding—that would be wrong—but peacekeeping and nation-building tasks do.
In 1992-93, when I was sent to Bosnia in a peacekeeping role to deliver humanitarian aid, the cost of my deployment was met by the Ministry of Defence. I felt, and still feel, that the Overseas Development Administration, as DFID was then known, should have paid some of the costs of our operations in the Balkans.
My hon. and gallant Friend’s thinking is the same as the Secretary of State for International Development’s and the Prime Minister’s. Those stabilisation skill sets—post-conflict and nation-building skills—should be funded by DFID but executed by the MOD, because although the budget sits with DFID, it is clear that the MOD is doing incredible work in this post-conflict world. We could have saved £24 billion in Afghanistan and £8 billion in Iraq had we moved from war-fighting to peacekeeping far quicker and avoided the delay that followed completion of the fighting. I urge the Chancellor to consider that matter carefully.
Does the hon. Gentleman think that the Secretary of State for International Development should come here to explain the under-spend, on page 70 of the Red Book, of £500 million in the DFID budget and tell us which projects, programmes, international subscriptions and other things—perhaps relating to peacekeeping—have not been paid this year, but have been stopped in order to sort out the borrowing figures?
Before I reply to that, Mr Deputy Speaker, may I point out that the clock did not stop? I hope you will give me some injury time.
The hon. Gentleman will get no injury time, because he has given way twice before.
I stand corrected. I understood that I got an extra minute for the first two interventions and that after that, if someone intervened, the clock stopped.
It is disappointing that we have not heard any answers from Labour. It has offered nothing constructive; in fact, it is in a state of denial. Its strategy seems to be to employ a little inaccuracy and a spot of amnesia, and to avoid a ton of explanation. It is now apparent that under Labour, government was too big, too costly and too inefficient. Labour allowed banks to lend money to people who could not afford it, using financial instruments they did not understand. When the history books are written, it will become apparent just how much damage the former Labour Chancellor and Prime Minister did. He will probably go down as one of the most disastrous Chancellors in history.
The former Chancellor not only doubled national debt, but killed off British competitiveness and introduced the “something for nothing” culture that this Government are now undoing. Labour squandered their 13 years in office, and it is now left to this Government not only to solve the economic mess and make Britain more competitive again, but to simplify the tax system, curb immigration, modernise the benefits system and restore respectability to our pensions system. Labour has proven the adage that occasionally applies in this Chamber: the democratic right to be heard here does not include the right to be taken seriously.
In conclusion, this is a constructive and progressive Budget that will provide a further stimulus to the economy and help hard-hit families and individuals seeking to get on. From my days as a young officer, my philosophy in life has been not to complain about the weather, but to march with determination out of the rain. That analogy holds today, as this Conservative-led Government lead Britain out of the economic storm, while Labour, which created the mess, offers no helpful solutions whatsoever, other than to repeat past mistakes such as encouraging the spending of money we do not have. We will not stop reminding the public of the last Government’s mismanagement of the economy. Whatever speculation there might be about opinion polls, small parties or even possible Lib-Lab pacts, the bottom line is clear: either a Miliband or a Cameron will occupy No. 10. I know whom I would prefer to lead the country, and it is not the former adviser to one of the worst Chancellors in history.