Israel and Palestinian Talks

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Wednesday 5th July 2017 Commons Chamber

[Emily Thornberry]

Before the hon. Gentleman jumps up and down, let me just finish my point. [Interruption.] Please, I urge Members to calm down a little. I am sure that if the hon. Member for Hertsmere (Oliver Dowden) has some good ideas about what a future peace process between Israel and Palestine might look like, he may get a letter from the Leader of the Opposition, asking him up to the second floor of Norman Shaw South to discuss it with him—he is quite happy to discuss peace and people’s ideas. However, if Government Members continue to use one of the main guns of the Lynton Crosby campaign, which is discredited and has not worked, I will not take any further interventions from them.

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

My right hon. Friend has rightly talked about the seriousness of the issue. Our focus must urgently be on those who are living in Israel and Palestine and those who are suffering tremendously. It is important to acknowledge the worsening of the humanitarian situation. Two million people are trapped in the Gaza strip, half of them children. In 2012, the UN said that Gaza would be unliveable by 2020. Many experts say that 2020 is already here. Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is important that we focus on those real issues and that we move the debate forward in a productive way today?

[Emily Thornberry]

My hon. Friend is quite right: when 80% of people who live in Gaza are dependent on aid to survive, it is a very important issue. My hon. Friend the Member for Heywood and Middleton (Liz McInnes), who will be summing up the debate at the end of the day, will be dealing particularly with humanitarian issues.

I shall make a little more progress on the point I was making, while messages are perhaps sent to Lynton Crosby for a different script. I drafted my section of the Labour manifesto, so why did the Foreign Secretary trust someone else to draft his? The reason, I suggest, is this: if we have always known in this country, ever since the Balfour declaration 100 years ago, that when statesmen and stateswomen in this country are prepared to set down in black and white their policies on the middle east, those words have an impact. When they are set out by the most senior figures as official Government policy, they matter even more. I know that the Minister has said some very important things today, but the point is that if they are not put in the manifesto or not said by the Secretary of State, they do not have the same impact. That is important.

When the Conservative party fails to set out its policies in respect of the middle east in its official manifesto, people on all sides of the debate, particularly those in Palestine and Israel, are left to interpret silence in the way they wish. Many of them, sadly, will come to the conclusion that I did, which is that the Government could not repeat their 2015 language supporting a two-state solution and condemning illegal settlement building because, on both those points, they do not as yet know where Donald Trump stands. Until they do, they want nothing written in black and white, because, one day, it might put them at odds with the American President. That simply is not good enough. We cannot overturn decades of established British foreign policy, upheld by successive Governments from both parties, just because this pathetic Government are happy to play patsy to Donald Trump.

President Trump: State Visit

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Monday 20th February 2017 Westminster Hall

[Sir Alan Duncan]

No, I am going to keep going.

The special relationship transcends political parties on both sides of the Atlantic, and it is bigger than individual personalities. It is about the security and prosperity of our two nations. The Prime Minister’s meeting with President Trump in Washington last month identified many areas of common interest on which we will work with the new Administration. A state visit will provide the opportunity to further advance those common interests.

Hon. Members have mentioned timing. State visits are not necessarily the sole preserve of long-serving heads of state. In the past, a state visit has been extended to the Presidents of South Africa, France, South Korea, Finland and Poland, among others, each within their first year of office.

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

Will the Minister give way?

[Sir Alan Duncan]

Yes, but just this once, or I will not be able to answer all the points that have been raised.

[Seema Malhotra]

Does the Minister agree at least that extending a state visit in this way and at this time could effectively be seen as a validation of the views and statements of President Trump? It has been seen in that way by many of my constituents, who feel very concerned about the message that it sends.

[Sir Alan Duncan]

I understand the hon. Lady’s point exactly. I accept that that is a powerful counter-argument to the case that I am making, but I do not accept that the process of a state visit will be seen as such validation. Let me explain further what I think the value of the state visit will be.

The Government strongly believe that it is a perfectly legitimate decision to use the full impact of an invitation to maximise the diplomatic significance of a state visit at the start of President Trump’s term of office. President Obama and President George W. Bush both visited the UK on a state visit during their first term in office, so it is entirely appropriate that President Trump, too, should be invited in his first term. However, since timing has been raised today, let me be absolutely clear that neither the precise timing nor the content of the proposed visit has yet been agreed.

Mention has been made of the prospect of the President addressing Parliament in some manner or other. In fact, only three guests in the past hundred years have addressed both Houses of Parliament as part of a state visit: President de Gaulle in 1960, President Mandela in 1996 and President Obama in 2011. In any event, as the House is aware, whether that ever happens is solely for the relevant parliamentary authorities to determine.

Occupied Palestinian Territories: Israeli Settlements

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Thursday 9th February 2017 Commons Chamber

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

I am grateful to the Backbench Business Committee for allowing this debate today. I visited Israel and Palestine with the Council for the Advancement of Arab-British Understanding three years ago and saw the construction of settlements first-hand. I also thank my constituents who wrote to me on this issue and supported this debate.

I believe fundamentally in the two-state solution and also that we as an international community must support progressives in Israel as well as Palestine in efforts to secure long-term peace. However, we know that Israeli settlements are illegal and contrary to international law—and, indeed, that they undermine prospects for the viability of the state of Palestine. Settlements are a barrier to trust, and they are a barrier to peace.

I want to make two brief points today: first, on the need for renewed international talks and the need to focus on the issue of children and education in Palestine; and, secondly, to recognise the contribution of associations such as the Britain-Palestine Friendship and Twinning Network here, and also those in the middle east, that do vital work.

Palestinians and Israel must know that, with so many other security issues in the world, they are not forgotten. As political solutions remain a distant hope, the prospects and welfare of children are a matter of great concern. In Gaza, there is an alarming rise in malnutrition among children, because they cannot get the food they need, and a rise in kidney disease among children, because the water is not drinkable. Because there are not enough schools for children, many of the schools are operating double or triple shifts, starting at 6 am and finishing at 6 pm. Parents worried about their children going to school in the dark are making them stay at home, which is having an impact especially on the education of girls.

In the west bank, I have heard from Save the Children that children cannot get to school safely. About 13,000 children in Jerusalem have to cross a checkpoint every day just to get to school. The increase in demolitions affects entire communities, of course, but is particularly traumatic for children who see homes and also schools destroyed. The children of Palestine and Israel today will be the leaders of tomorrow who will need to work on the solution for how they live side by side.

The Britain-Palestine Friendship and Twinning Network recently held its annual meeting in Hounslow. Its work builds an important connection between young people here and in Palestine. Building such cultural and educational links keeps a positive contact with the outside world.

I want to close my remarks with some questions to the Minister. On the basis that the UK Government’s condemnation of illegal Israeli settlement building is unchanged, what steps will they take to ensure that action is taken to stop settlements, given Prime Minister Netanyahu’s stated determination to expand them? What will the Government do to strengthen their advice to British businesses about avoiding engaging with other businesses that support settlements, so we do everything we can to stop settlements and the illegal enterprise that comes from them?

US Immigration Policy

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Monday 30th January 2017 Commons Chamber

[Boris Johnson]

I refer the hon. Lady to what I said earlier, but I would add that, while the repercussions of that Executive order were being felt in the US alone, the Prime Minister was in transit to Turkey for another very important visit where she secured a fantastic deal for this country—an agreement to supply Turkey with British-made fighter planes.

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

The US has been a leader of so much that is best in the world, and this policy has let the US down and let the world down. Will the Foreign Secretary confirm whether he knew that the Prime Minister knew about it in advance? Was he asked to brief her and, if so, what did he say that she should say in response before the Executive order was signed? If he did know, did he make any preparations in advance of this coming into force?

[Boris Johnson]

I have answered that question already, with great respect, and I do not comment on the conversations that take place between the Prime Minister and her opposite number.

Yemen

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Monday 12th December 2016 Commons Chamber

[Mr Speaker]

A helpful nod from a sedentary position from the Minister confirms that my expectation is correct. If there are no further points of order, I shall in a moment call—

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

rose—

[Mr Speaker]

I do beg the hon. Lady’s pardon. Patience is a virtue, and I thank her for waiting.

EU Membership: Economic Benefits

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Wednesday 15th June 2016 Commons Chamber

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the more than 35 hon. Members from both sides of the House who have made speeches. I cannot mention them all, but I shall highlight a few of the points that were made.

My hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Hull North (Diana Johnson) talked about anger at cuts to public services but said that there is no way that leaving the European Union will magically solve that problem. My hon. Friends the Members for North Tyneside (Mary Glindon) and for Sedgefield (Phil Wilson) said that 160,000 jobs in the north-east are reliant on trade with the European Union, with much that comes through European structural funds that create opportunities for jobs, start-ups, and their local economies.

My hon. Friend the Member for West Bromwich West (Mr Bailey) talked about concerns about the impact on our manufacturing industries. My hon. Friend the Member for Bishop Auckland (Helen Goodman) noted the total failure of the leave campaign to set out how any new trade agreement could work.

[John Redwood]

rose—

[Seema Malhotra]

I am afraid I do not have time to give way.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Cynon Valley (Ann Clwyd) said that our rights are safer if we stand together, and that we should not risk those rights being jeopardised by those who see them as red tape. My hon. Friend the Member for Wirral South (Alison McGovern) said that we need to stay in the single market for our economic prosperity and security, that we should not risk a race to the bottom on working conditions, and that the vote next week is a choice of austerity versus prosperity and influence versus irrelevance.

We are a proud nation—proud of our history, our diversity and our place in the world as a nation that has been at the forefront of progress in science and technology and in politics. I am proud of our place at the heart of the European Union. The vote next week is not just about keeping the world as it is today—it is about how we stand tall with our neighbours in shaping and creating the world of tomorrow, and facing the global challenges of sharing our prosperity and tackling the issues on the environment, tax avoidance and humanitarian crises. Those challenges will not go away if we leave the European Union; instead, we will have fewer allies as we seek to confront them. For our trade, manufacturing and employment, we gain from being members of the European Union. That is why Labour is pro-Europe and the party for reform in Europe. Our message is based on opportunity, hope and fairness—opportunities for future generations and for our economy and society from our membership, now and in the future.

I spoke to a man in my constituency who was conflicted about his vote. His parents were planning to vote leave, but then he asked himself what that would mean for his children. He thought about his children’s opportunities and decided it was vital to get his parents to think again about what their vote would mean for their grandchildren. Why are young people so positive about the European Union? It is because they cherish the freedom to travel, to learn and to experience what Europe and the world have to offer. When young people think about migration, they can see it also in terms of the opportunities it brings for them. Yes, we recognise that immigration needs fair rules and proper controls, but we cannot deny the benefits. Over the past decade, migrants from new EU member countries have contributed £20 billion more in taxes than they have taken in public services and benefits. More than 52,000 EU migrants work in the NHS.

We understand people’s legitimate concerns about the threat to their jobs from the undercutting of wages and the pressure on public services, but that is why we need stronger laws against bad employers and the migration impact fund, which should never have been cut. We need more houses and access to skills and apprenticeships.

I have no truck with those who say that we should choose between the Commonwealth and the European Union. That is absolutely a false choice. When the people and leaders of the Commonwealth nations say that it is in our interest to remain, we should listen to them. Likewise, when young entrepreneurs say that being in the EU has given their businesses the chance to go global overnight, and when scientists such as Stephen Hawking and 150 fellows of the Royal Society say that membership is vital for the future of scientific research, we should listen to them. When the National Union of Students, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the OECD, the National Farmers Union and many others say that we should remain, we should listen to them.

We are part of plans to create a digital single market in Europe, which will be a huge opportunity for Britain’s tech industry, creating the best part of 4 million jobs and worth €400 billion a year. Many of those jobs and opportunities will be available to this country’s entrepreneurs. Why would we walk away from that? This is what the future of the European Union can offer: more jobs, better jobs and better rights at work.

The European Investment Bank, an EU institution in which Britain holds a sixth of the shares, is the world’s largest international public bank and it is directly owned by member states. In the past 10 years, the bank has invested more than £40 billion in UK infrastructure. Last year alone, the UK received £5.6 billion from the EIB to help regenerate communities and invest in infrastructure up and down the country, with projects such as campuses in Swansea and Belfast and the technology and innovation hub at Strathclyde, and £250 million went to Northumbrian Water.

Let me be clear: I do not wish to scaremonger, and no one should vote based on fear, but people must vote with their eyes open to the risks. I have been asking businesses what makes Britain an attractive destination to invest in, and companies tell me time and again that they choose to invest in Britain because of our language, inclusive culture, heritage and world-class education system, but a key compelling factor is because it also provides access to European markets and, through them, to the rest of the world. That pull factor will disappear overnight if we walk away from the European Union.

[John Redwood]

Will the hon. Lady give way?

--- Later in debate ---

[Seema Malhotra]

I will not give way, I am sorry. The right hon. Gentleman has already spoken today.

Just today, Rolls-Royce, a world-leading company, has joined other companies in making it clear to staff that a leave vote would be detrimental to their company, because uncertainty would put investment decisions on hold. I believe that businesses need to be as bold and forthright in public as they are in private, sharing with their employees the same analysis as they share with their shareholders about the impact of a leave vote.

This referendum must be about more jobs, better jobs and better rights at work. What would it say about Britain if we were to leave? What would it do to the reputation of a nation that has done so much to shape attitudes, culture and institutions across the world if we were to walk away from our closest neighbours? That goes against all that we have stood for as an open and progressive nation.

We know that the European Union is not perfect, but this is an argument for reform, not for walking away. A vote to remain is a vote for stability and security for all our citizens in an increasingly uncertain global world. It is a vote to remain part of the world’s biggest trading bloc, with safeguards for the environment and protection for consumers.

We achieve much more by our common endeavour and by working together. When we look around the world, the achievements of the European Union must not be taken for granted. Sometimes, in the words of Joni Mitchell,

“you don’t know what you’ve got till it’s gone”.

We know that the European Union is not perfect, but we should be leading, not leaving. I urge all hon. Members to join us in the Aye Lobby tonight.

European Union (Referendum) Bill

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Friday 17th October 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mike Gapes]

That would be very interesting, when none of the 27 other EU countries seems to be on the same page at the British Conservatives. Nevertheless, we shall wait and see because that is, of course, hypothetical.

The UK presidency begins on 1 July 2017, so Ministers in any British Government in 2017 will have to attend and chair a series of meetings every week on various topics. In addition, there will have to be another Minister present to represent UK interests during the six-month period. Is it really sensible to envisage a referendum during that time when, instead of focusing on reform and progress in the EU, British Ministers, who are also Members of this House, will have to be involved in trying to deal with the politics of the referendum? [Interruption.] Yes, maybe they will not be here. That is an interesting point. It is foolish to consider holding the referendum during the six months of the British presidency of the EU. In those circumstances, it makes no sense whatever to talk about “by the end of 2017”. It would be better, if we are going to have a referendum, to have it in 2016 or before 1 July 2017, so that when British Ministers go to those meetings we can say whether we will be staying or leaving the EU, while we are chairing those meetings.

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

That will affect the perception of Britain’s leadership. Having the presidency means that we are supposed to be holding the chair.

[Mike Gapes]

Absolutely. Can we imagine the circumstances where, in the middle of an important negotiation on proposals for the future, the British Government have to say, “Sorry, we are going to vacate the chair and leave the meeting, because we’ve all got to head back home to take part in the referendum campaign?” That is absolutely absurd. If the outcome, God forbid, was a vote to leave halfway through this process, it would cause enormous damage to our standing and respect among other people in Europe, not least in the form of the uncertainties it could cause for the exchange rate and to business confidence, to which my right hon. Friend the Member for East Ham (Stephen Timms) referred.

[Seema Malhotra]

I thank my hon. Friend for giving way again; he is being very generous. This afternoon I shall be speaking at the Rastriya Pravasi Bharatiya Divas conference with the Indian diaspora, which looks at how Britain and India support a mutual strategic relationship. A big part of that is investment in both nations. Does my hon. Friend agree that all the uncertainty will also affect the perception of Britain as a place to invest in, when what—

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Mrs Eleanor Laing)]

Order. The hon. Lady’s intervention should be short, especially as she has already made one. I am sure that the hon. Member for Ilford South (Mike Gapes) will not be repetitive in his answer.

Palestine and Israel

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Monday 13th October 2014 Commons Chamber

[Lyn Brown (West Ham) (Lab)]

Over the past weeks my in-box has been flooded with hundreds of letters from my constituents. Their strength of feeling is undeniable, their arguments are heartfelt, and their conviction is deep-seated—and for good reason. I share those arguments and that conviction.

Of the thousands of letters and e-mails I have received, there is one from Mia Thomas, extracts from which I would like to read today.

“I am a 21 year old medical student and I have just returned from 5 weeks in Ramallah in the West Bank. I am feeling increasingly helpless and frustrated, as every day the death count of innocent Palestinians grows higher and there seems so little we can do about it and our Government will not act decisively.

By contrast with Gaza, Ramallah is very safe. It is in Area A, so in theory it is completely Palestinian-run and governed. In reality, even in the heart of Palestine, it is still an occupied territory and violence erupts at checkpoints with scary regularity.

From where I was staying you could see Jerusalem—Ramallah is only 19 km away as the crow flies, but the journey there takes an hour because Palestinian buses are only allowed to use certain roads and then you have to pass through a checkpoint, where everyone’s ID cards/passports are checked at gunpoint, before changing on to an Israeli bus to carry on the journey. This sort of thing isn’t particularly harmful to one’s health and is viewed just as a hassle, but it also creates this feeling of being completely caged and unable to move.

As a foreigner, I was visiting cities within the West Bank that local friends hadn’t been to, not because of lack of funds or curiosity but because people are afraid of getting stuck outside their city as checkpoints can be closed at any point. The occupation has limited people’s movements physically, but it also massively limits people mentally in what they perceive they can and cannot do…

In a village further north near Nablus I met the mayor of the village, who was a wonderful man. He was in a wheel chair because as a young goat herder he was shot in the spine by Israeli soldiers from the military camp that looms over the village. He now runs the village and has an absolute rule of no protesting or fighting with the Israeli settlement nearby because, as he said, he ‘doesn’t want anyone else—Palestinian or Israeli—to lose the ability to walk’. He says just existing as a village is resistance. In the last year the Israelis have demolished 3 houses in the village, and as they try and rebuild them you can see how hard life is when just living and farming your land is an act of defiance.”

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

My hon. Friend is making a powerful speech. Hundreds of constituents have also written to me on this matter, and it was discussed by the Hounslow-Ramallah Twinning Association last Friday night. Does she agree that a downside of our not supporting Palestinian statehood today could be that it will give succour to those who do not want to see a political settlement?

[Lyn Brown]

I agree entirely with my hon. Friend.

Mia concluded her letter with the following:

“I’m so ANGRY about what’s going on in Gaza. Most people are, I think, which is why I’m confused as to why it’s being allowed to continue. If this cycle of hate and violence is ever going to end, it has to start now with an end to killing—of Palestinians and Israelis.”

Ms Thomas is clearly a brave woman. She came back impassioned, disillusioned and angry. That anger and disillusionment was not just about the conflict she had witnessed; it was about her frustration that we in this House were not giving her a voice. Today I want to give her a voice, in the same way that I believe we must give Palestinians a voice.

Ukraine, Middle East, North Africa and Security

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Wednesday 10th September 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hammond]

I will take one last intervention.

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

Will the Foreign Secretary be slightly clearer about what he sees as the consequences for Israel of not stopping the progress of settlements?

[Mr Hammond]

I have been very forward-leaning in saying to my Israeli interlocutors—not only about the policy of settlements, but about the scale of the civilian casualties that occurred in Gaza—that whatever the rights and wrongs and whatever the position in international law when the analysis is done, Israel runs a serious risk of losing the sympathy for it that existed when it came under attack by Hamas rockets earlier this summer. Israel needs to think about its long-term best interests, not just about the short-term reactions that it can deliver. I started this section of my speech by saying that if we are to make progress, both sides need to resist the temptation to react to short-term provocations and to play to domestic audiences. Both sides need to think about the long-term best interests of both the Israeli people and the Palestinian people.

Gaza

Seema Malhotra Excerpts

Monday 14th July 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

There is a good argument for that, and one of our hon. Friends who has now left the Chamber gave an alleged instance of this earlier. The Israeli Government argue that Hamas in effect uses civilians as shields—that one of the reasons for civilian casualties is that rockets are launched deliberately from within heavily populated areas, Gaza itself being a very densely populated area. It is in the nature of the conflict that that happens and that civilians are therefore in the front line, and Hamas bears responsibility for that.

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

No Member of the House can fail to be horrified by the escalation of violence on both sides and by what appears to be the disproportionate response of Israel. More than 200 of my constituents have written to me to ask me to ask the Foreign Secretary what action he has taken to help to secure a ceasefire and, to echo the words of the right hon. Member for Mid Sussex (Sir Nicholas Soames) and my right hon. Friend the Member for Exeter (Mr Bradshaw), what action he will take to help end illegal settlement and to help to continue the economic development in Palestine.

[Mr Hague]

I will not repeat everything I said in my earlier statement, but I hope that the hon. Lady will send to her constituents what I said about everything that the UK has done in recent days to promote a ceasefire—the work we have been doing at the UN Security Council and in the discussions I have had with Israeli and Palestinian leaders and many Arab nations to help bring about an agreed ceasefire. I also gave examples in my statement of what we are doing to help the economic development and state-building of Palestinians. The UK is one of the largest donors in the world to that, and we will continue that effort.