Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Nineteeth sitting) Debate

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Department: Department of Health and Social Care
Daniel Francis Portrait Daniel Francis
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I will not press amendment 347 to a vote, but I will speak to it, and to this group of amendments.

First, I shall turn to amendments 14 to 19, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Hackney South and Shoreditch (Dame Meg Hillier), which would require a co-ordinating doctor to refer the patient to an independent psychiatrist, or someone else qualified, as decided by the Secretary of State. That practitioner would then produce a report that the co-ordinating doctor must take into account when assessing whether the person has capacity, has a clear, settled and informed wish to end their life, and has not been coerced or pressured.

These amendments would replicate the existing practice of assessment for living organ donors. If we use a psychiatrist’s assessment for those who are donating an organ—a serious decision—how much more serious is this decision to end one’s life, and how much more necessary is the psychiatric assessment? It feels illogical to offer psychiatric assessments to patients who may donate organs, but not to those who may end their life. The wording of these amendments mirrors the regulations that have been applied through the Human Tissue Act 2004 (Persons who Lack Capacity to Consent and Transplants) Regulations 2006.

For organ donation, there is a separate body—the Human Tissue Authority—which oversees the network of assessors. These amendments do not suggest a separate body for assessors in the context of assisted dying, instead suggesting that the assessor should be a registered psychiatrist or someone qualified, as decided by the Secretary of State. This ensures control over who can be an assessor while also being flexible.

My hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley, the Bill’s promoter, said in oral evidence that she had looked at the model of assessment for capacity and coercion that is used for living organ donation, so I will be interested, when we get to that point of the debate, to know why the Bill does not model its assessments on those that are already done for organ donation.

These amendments would strengthen the Bill by ensuring that patients are properly assessed as having capacity to make such a huge decision and would help to spot coercion. As it stands, the Bill has no mention of the doctors giving assessments having psychiatric specialisms. These amendments would ensure that a specialist meets the patient, which is vital. We have heard already how difficult it can be to spot coercion, especially repeat coercion.

Sean Woodcock Portrait Sean Woodcock (Banbury) (Lab)
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Given that this is a significantly more serious decision than organ donation, these amendments would seem a very appropriate change to consider.

Daniel Francis Portrait Daniel Francis
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I agree. An assessment by a specialist would protect patients and give another opportunity to spot coercion—something that we all want to safeguard against.

I welcome the acceptance of amendment 20, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft (Jess Asato), ensuring that doctors will be better trained to spot these issues, but that is only the start. We need the same in-depth assessment that living organ donors would get. Patients must fully understand the decision they are taking, and doctors must be convinced that they are capable of making it.

For organ donation, the NHS recommends that potential donors meet a mental health professional at an early stage, particularly in cases where people have a history of mental illness. As we have already noted, those diagnosed with terminal illnesses are likely to also have mental health issues. Dr Sarah Cox, in her oral evidence, cited a study by Professor Louis Appleby, the Government’s suicide prevention adviser. Dr Cox said:

“If we look at the evidence of suicide, we know that it is increased in people with serious illnesses.”––[Official Report, Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Public Bill Committee, 28 January 2025; c. 82, Q105.]

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Danny Kruger Portrait Danny Kruger
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I am sorry for having begun speaking to the wrong amendments earlier. I was trying to speak to amendment 58—I could not read my own notes—not amendments 55 or 56.

I do not want to reheat the previous arguments about the imperative—as I believe it is—to refer to a psychiatrist. I support the suggestion of the hon. Member for Ashford and the hon. Member for Runnymede and Weybridge (Dr Spencer) that the independent doctor should have relevant qualifications in psychiatry and experience in assessing mental capacity through their professional qualifications. The importance of having a holistic multidisciplinary team has been well argued and subsequent amendments to the Bill have attempted to delivered that.

I want to emphasise that if we adopted the amendment tabled by the hon. Member for Ashford, we would be acknowledging the reality that assisted dying is not like other medical decisions. By explicitly including psychiatrically trained clinicians, we would be giving special regard to the mental state of patients making an existential decision, not just a treatment decision. That is particularly appropriate for patients who are not expecting to significantly suffer bodily due to their terminal illness.

We have heard many stories of people who have died in painful or undignified ways, but that does not reflect the experience of the majority of those with a terminal illness—90% of cases, according to some studies—who are able to receive adequate or complete pain relief. For people who do not have an obvious motivation to have an assisted death, such as avoiding extreme pain, an investigation by a psychiatrist of their mental state would surely help to safeguard against those with depression or other ameliorable mental conditions that impair capacity accessing an assisted death.

I want to emphasise the evidence that we received from Professor Gareth Owen, who in 2021 conducted a large-scale survey of medical professionals in England and Wales. That found that non-psychiatric doctors—general practitioners and other doctors not trained in psychiatry—were less confident than other professionals in assessing capacity. It also found that 6.9%—less than 7% —of non-psychiatric doctors rated themselves as assessing capacity very well, which I think is significant. To place all the responsibility for assessing capacity and coercion, which are difficult to assess and contain complexities that psychiatrists are best placed to appreciate, in the hands of doctors who do not have specialist expertise is to be content with coercion being missed and capacity being poorly assessed. If we want to ensure that these tests are done well, the only way to do that is to involve psychiatrists, as the hon. Member for Ashford said.

Sean Woodcock Portrait Sean Woodcock
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I will speak briefly on amendment 21, although I will commend my hon. Friend the Member for Ashford for his contribution to the debate. He speaks with clear expertise and experience, and a real love for his profession, and we all benefit greatly from his insights.

Over the last few weeks, I have found myself voting the opposite way from the promoter of the Bill on a number of occasions, but I am not opposed to assisted dying in principle. My issue is more about whether we can ever make it safe enough; the difference between us is marginal. One thing that has been apparent throughout these debates is her passion for improving the training for those involved in palliative care, and in the wider NHS and social care generally.

That is why I want to speak to amendment 21. In the witness testimony, particularly from Rachel Clarke, there was a lot of concern about whether coercion and people being put under pressure to go for assisted dying would be picked up, and whether the NHS was geared up for that. I think that this amendment, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft, goes some way to addressing that.

I do not think training is a silver bullet, hence my votes over previous weeks, but it would make a massive difference. That is true not only for the implementation of the Bill; it would have wider benefits for the NHS, social care and palliative care more generally. Even though those are not necessarily in scope of the Bill, I suggest that they are good things, which is why Committee members should get behind amendment 21.

Jake Richards Portrait Jake Richards
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I want to speak to amendment 57. I do not intend to press it to a vote, but I will explore whether and how the Bill could be improved in terms of the relationship between the two doctors. There is a tension here. On one hand, we want to keep the two doctors separate, because the second one can then assess the person with a fresh perspective. We have had a debate about where there is a relationship between the doctors, which could cause problems as well. On the other hand, the evidence that we heard from some witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee was that decisions or assessments taken together can be more efficient and safer.

We may come back to this issue when we consider clause 9—next week, I presume, looking at the clock—but I wanted to raise it now. I have had conversations with the promoter of the Bill about it, but we also need to have conversations with Ministers about the best way to regulate the relationship between the two doctors to ensure that it is safe in the way that it keeps them separate but allows them to confer.