Health and Social Care (Re-committed) Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateMark Simmonds
Main Page: Mark Simmonds (Conservative - Boston and Skegness)Department Debates - View all Mark Simmonds's debates with the Department of Health and Social Care
(13 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberIt would apply in any circumstances where it was necessary in order to secure continued access to essential services for patients, so a methodology would be in place. As I have described, the intention is to have a regime through which, although specific mechanisms will be applied to foundation trusts and to other providers—of course, the overwhelming majority of activity is in the hands of foundation trusts—the principles of intervention will be the same between the two sets of providers. We want to arrive, wherever possible, at a consistent application of failure rules. Why? Our concern is to make sure that we deal with this, which has not been the case in the past. Under Labour’s regime, if a private sector or independent sector provider failed financially, there was no appropriate mechanism for intervention and continuity of services.
Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the additional funding he is describing will not be used to bail out, in the traditional way, inefficient and ineffective health providers, but will be used to ensure that services continue to be provided, particularly in rural areas, where the cost base may, necessarily, be more than it is in the metropolitan cities?
Yes, I understand that and I think that my hon. Friend makes entirely the right point. This is not about a bail-out; the commissioning board and Monitor will need to agree the methodology, because neither side will wish to undermine the integrity of the regulatory structure and the price structure that Monitor is responsible for, nor will the NHS commissioning board and commissioners want to pay any more for services than is necessary to secure continued access. None the less, continuing access to quality services for patients is the essential principle, and so there will be circumstances, particularly where it has become evident that in the absence of this there would be an unacceptable deterioration in or failure of services, in which it is necessary for the methodology to add to the tariff price.
As we have shown, we are not opposed to private sector involvement in the UK’s health system. What is important is that it should add value and capacity. The Government’s proposals are a completely different ball game.
As always, my right hon. Friend is making an extremely powerful speech. Does he accept the need for Monitor to ensure that foundation trusts not only continue to meet basic standards but continue to improve those standards year on year, and thereby improve patient outcomes?
I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend. One of the further important clarifications in their position is the stress that the Government have placed—rightly—on the importance of the link between Monitor and the Care Quality Commission to ensure that standards in foundation trusts are not just about the achievement of financial targets, but are about standards of care quality delivered to patients. The link between the two regulators—one of quality and the other of financial standards—is an important part of the regulatory structure that the Government are introducing.
The picture is incredibly variable. We should consider many of the policies that the Government are pursuing, not least that on public health observatories, which collect the evidence on which many public health interventions are based. The sustained cuts to their budgets—there is a cut of 30% this year, and 30% next year—are exacerbating the situation. Some PCTs are performing well in this regard, and some are not performing as well. If there are measures that can strengthen our performance, they ought to be welcomed.
We have in the past mentioned some of the public health issues. As far back as 1977, the Department of Health and Social Security’s chief scientific adviser, Sir Douglas Black, commissioned a report on the extent of health inequalities in the UK. The Black report, published in 1980, brought about a sea change in how Governments would respond to health inequalities and reduce their worst effects, particularly for the lower social classes. It is generally acknowledged in more recent reports by Professor Sir Michael Marmot that the NHS can only do so much to address the situation. There are general issues that must be addressed through a whole plethora of Government policies—child benefit, improvements in maternity allowances, more pre-school education, an expansion of child care, and better housing. I mention that in relation to the amendments that we are discussing to highlight the stark danger of a reversal in relation to health inequalities, which are not only influenced by decisions of the Health Secretary, but greatly influenced by decisions taken across Government.
I shall draw my remarks to a conclusion. I am sure that Government Members will be relieved to hear that. [Interruption.] Well, I could go on for longer if they want; I have another six pages. I draw the House’s attention to the real concerns that the general public, the medical profession, staff who work in the service and patients have about particular details—about the new and expanded role of Monitor, and about the implications for the new NHS. It will not necessarily be Monitor that decides the future of failing services; in the end, that will be decided in the courts. Finally, in parts 3 and 4, we are dealing with some of the most contentious issues in the Bill, and I urge Members to consider the issues very carefully and to think about what is at stake, before deciding how to vote on the amendments.
I draw the House’s attention to the Register of Members’ Financial Interests.
I congratulate the hon. Member for Easington (Grahame M. Morris) on a thoughtful, balanced and considered contribution, albeit somewhat lengthy. Some of the key points that he made are worthy of comment. He is absolutely right to highlight the importance of the issue of health inequalities, and it is absolutely right to make sure that the House understands that the Secretary of State and his Ministers are absolutely determined to narrow those inequalities; that is why the Secretary of State has ensured that that is in the Bill.
The hon. Member for Easington is also right to point out that health inequalities are determined not just by health policy. A whole range of factors influence health inequalities, and the best synthesis and summary that I have seen—if he has not read it, he should—is in a report by Professor Marmot.
The hon. Gentleman has read it, which is very good; I see him nodding his head. He also asked a key question about the Government’s motivation for bringing forward the Bill.
I shall finish this point, and then I will happily give way to the hon. Gentleman, because he was extremely generous in giving way. Let me summarise the Government’s motivation in five areas. The first is to improve patient care; the second is to drive up the quality of services; the third is to improve patient outcomes; the fourth is to ensure better value for taxpayers’ money; and the fifth, and perhaps most important, is to ensure that our much-loved national health service has a successful future as a service that is free at the point of need, and a service that is based on requirement, not ability to pay. There should be continued equity of access and, even more importantly, excellence for all.
With the honourable exception of the hon. Gentleman’s contribution, all the contributions from Labour Members, including those on the Front Bench, have completely misrepresented the Bill. There is a degree of complacency creeping into the Labour party. The view that it puts forward—that there is nothing wrong with the national health service, and that it is a perfect, utopian service—is clearly not correct. Its view that no reform or innovation is required is not correct. Its view that no productivity improvements can be made is clearly not correct. The view that there is no problem with patient outcomes across a whole range of clinical indicators compared with the outcomes in our developed-world comparators is clearly not correct. The Labour party’s view that there is no need to reduce the cost of administration and get more resources to front-line patient care is clearly not correct; nor is it correct that there is no need for greater clinical involvement in commissioning and for greater patient choice. The Labour party’s position is purely political. It is not clinical and it does not have the best interests of patients at heart. I urge the Secretary of State and his ministerial team to reject the amendments tabled by Labour.
Does the hon. Gentleman recall these words—“NHS” and “no top-down reorganisation”, said by one David Cameron, leader of the Conservative party?
I do remember that. The changes outlined in both the original Bill and the amendments that have been tabled as a result of the considered and very professional work of Professor Field and his team demonstrate the desire of the coalition Government to make sure that the national health service survives for future generations as a taxpayer-funded service free at the point of need. All the changes set out in the Bill are determined by that.
The hon. Member for Leicester West (Liz Kendall), who spoke for Labour in the programme motion debate, should be wary of praying in aid the BMA. Not only did it object back in the 1940s to the setting up of the national health service, but just prior to the last election, it said that the Labour party was the enemy of the national health service. We need to engage with all the clinical groups within the national health service to ensure that we deliver the best possible patient outcomes for the amount of resources that we can put in.
I am slightly surprised at the repetitive nature of the debate. I have been told by my hon. Friends who sat on the Bill Committee that many of the points that were made in Committee have been made again today. The Government amendments that we are discussing are a direct result of the forum chaired by Professor Steve Field. I thought it unedifying of the right hon. Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Frank Dobson) to try to undermine Professor Field, who does excellent work in a very socio-economically deprived part of Birmingham. If the right hon. Gentleman has not visited Professor Field and seen the excellent work that he does, I suggest he does so.
I give way first to the hon. Member for Worsley and Eccles South (Barbara Keeley).
The speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Frank Dobson) is one of the best I have heard in the Chamber, as I think Opposition Members would agree. People outside the Chamber are saying that too.
On repetitiveness in the points that are being made, Report stage allows Members who did not serve on the Committee to say the things that they want to say. It is our chance right across the House to comment on the Bill, so that is not a valid criticism of what is going on in the debate.
Can we agree on one thing—that opinions should be evidence-based? I was amazed that when Professor Steve Field was asked whether the Future Forum had taken independent legal advice on the contentious issue of whether European competition law would apply as a result of the reforms—the matter was raised in the Bill Committee or the Select Committee—he said no, he had not taken independent legal advice. That was a major omission.
I will not get into the nuances and the legal battles that other hon. Members have raised. Professor Steve Field and his team did an excellent job thoroughly and comprehensively in a relatively short time. To be fair to the Secretary of State and his team, they looked carefully at the suggested changes and have incorporated some of them in the clauses before us. I agree with many of them, and I highlighted some of these points on Second Reading—a greater emphasis on integration, wider engagement with a broader range of clinical commissioning teams, and greater protection for services which, in financial or quality terms, may not be providing the service that patients expect. All those have been changed in the Bill.
Almost all the Members on the Government Benches would not support the Bill if it was about privatisation of the national health service. It is not. It tries to ensure that the national health service has a future, and that the organisation that is in the best position to provide a particular service in a particular geographical locality has the ability to do so. That is not just the private sector; it is the voluntary sector, the charitable sector, the not-for-profit sector and the social enterprise sector. The mantra coming from the Opposition seems to dictate that those organisations should not be allowed to provide health care—that unless health care is provided by the state, it should not be allowed. That clearly is wrong. What is important is not the delivery mechanism, but patient outcomes and the quality of service provided.
I shall deal specifically with new clause 2 and amendments 100 to 104, 106 and the subsequent related amendments. They ensure that equity of access continues, irrespective of whether the provider is in a good financial state or not. My right hon. Friend the Member for Charnwood (Mr Dorrell) put his finger on exactly the right point, as he so often does. What matters is continuity of service, but not necessarily from the same provider.
The national health service has always changed in that way. It has always reconfigured services to make sure that the patient receives care of the best possible quality. New clause 2 puts in place an essential mechanism to ensure continued access for patients to NHS services. It is right that the Government are putting in place safeguards to protect patients and taxpayers, but the clause does more than that. It also enables commissioners to replace services with higher quality and better value options. Among the major failures of the last decade in which Labour was in charge of the national health service was not only the decline in productivity, but the fact that there was insufficient decommissioning of poor services and insufficient replacement and improvement of poor-quality service provision. Nowhere is that more marked than in Tunbridge Wells and Stafford.
The primary purpose is to enable Monitor to support commissioners to access services and place conditions on a licence holder. Some of those conditions are set out in the Bill. All hon. Members know that there is considerable variation in performance of organisations within the national health service. Providers who are providing excellent services should be allowed to thrive, innovate and drive the quality of clinical care. Those that are under-performing will require challenging, and support where necessary. Ultimately, if they cannot respond to that support and that challenge, they should be replaced by an alternative provider. That should apply both to the independent sector and to state sector provision. It is not acceptable that, purely because a service is provided by the state, it should be allowed to continue as a substandard service.
Some of the key changes in the new clauses and amendments allow that to happen. They make sure that funding is much more transparent. The existing framework has allowed hidden bail-outs to take place, which all too often have hidden poor management, poor service provision, and the need for clinically appropriate and evidence-driven reorganisation. All too often that has not happened, to the detriment of patient care.
I was pleased to see that the Secretary of State had allowed a safety valve in this part of the Bill, which would enable tariffs to be topped up, particularly for the provision of services in rural areas, such as my constituency in Lincolnshire. This must not be seen as an opportunity for the Department of Health to support and subsidise inefficient management and service provision. All too often there are inefficient cost bases and money could be transferred instead to front-line patient care.
I would be grateful if the Minister, when winding up, confirmed some specific points relating to new clause 2 and the subsequent amendments. Will he confirm that the new system will ensure that innovation is not inhibited—that providers and clinicians will have to configure services not only to satisfy patients, but to improve the quality and productivity of services, which, as we all know, have been very poor in the past decade or so? Will he confirm that the structure set out in the new clauses will enable Monitor to intervene early to ensure that the service provided is safe and provides good-quality, patient-centric services?
Will the Minister also confirm that the proposals build on the system set out in the Health Act 2009, which is in line with the Secretary of State’s consistent assertion that the Bill is about evolution, not revolution? Ministers must not allow the importance of integrated services, vital though they are, to be an excuse to maintain poor-quality providers. In the interests of patients, underperforming incumbents must be challenged and continued innovation must be facilitated and incentivised.
If the Minister has time when winding up, I would like him to address the point that I made to my right hon. Friend the Member for Charnwood, which is that the new clauses seem to ensure that Monitor will maintain minimum-based standards, particularly as they relate to acute foundation hospital trusts. We need commissioners, the Care Quality Commission and Monitor to work together to ensure that there is continuing improvement in patient care and continuing determination and drive to make sure that services are better the next year than they were the previous year. It is unclear from the amendments who will be responsible for co-ordinating that effort to drive up standards continually.
I have two final questions. What will happen if Monitor has to step in to provide advice, shore up a service or provide an alternative service provider, but the commissioners cannot agree on who should be the subsequent service provider? Who will resolve disputes between two commissioning consortia? Will it be the NHS commissioning board, Monitor or the Department of Health? Where a provider delivers a service to more than one commissioner, and one of the commissioning groups has access to an alternative provider already in existence but not another, who decides who will provide the service that has failed?
I will draw my remarks to a close. I am, as I believe are most Government Members, an avid supporter of the national health service. I defer to no other group more than I do to those who work tirelessly in the NHS to provide the excellent care that, more often than not, is delivered, and not only in the state service but across the range of NHS providers. However, if we are to continue the NHS, free at the point of delivery and based on need, not ability to pay, it must reform and change. We cannot allow it to stand still. I believe that these clauses and amendments provide an essential framework to ensure continuity of access to service, value for money for taxpayers and better quality patient care.
Members of the public listening to Government Members this afternoon might wonder whether we were having this debate in a parallel universe, because they have heard the Prime Minister promise that there would be no top-down reorganisation of the NHS, and what did we get? We got the biggest reorganisation in the history of the NHS. The Prime Minister said only recently that everyone was on board and behind the Bill, and yet we find that clinicians, professionals and the public are far from being on board. The Government talk about the protection of services, but the public will have read only yesterday that the Government are meeting McKinsey about the possible transfer, albeit a slow transfer, of up to 20 hospitals.