Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill

Lord Wigley Excerpts

Committee stage
Monday 29th June 2026 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Lord Wigley]

4: Clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert—
“(d) supporting the local economy of any steel-making location which may be adversely affected by this Act.”Member's explanatory statement
This amendment seeks to ensure that consideration is given to the impact on the local economy arising from decisions made under this legislation.

[Lord Wigley (PC)]

My Lords, I beg to move Amendment 4 standing in my name and to speak to Amendment 36, which is also in my name and which is grouped with it—as is Amendment 29 in the name of the noble lord, Lord Fox, and Amendments 30, 31, 43, 44 and 46 in the names of the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt.

I quote Amendment 4, just to bring it to everyone's mind. It would add, at the end of line 20 on page 1, a new subsection:

“(d) supporting the local economy of any steel-making location which may be adversely affected by this Act”.

I would have thought that those words would commend themselves very much to this House. All these amendments have to do with the impact of the Bill when enacted—an impact which may be so significant to various aspects of the economy, and indeed on the communities which may benefit or may suffer directly or indirectly from this legislation. I shall look forward to hearing the Opposition Front Bench when they speak, particularly on Amendment 43, on the possible impact of this Bill when enacted on inward investment—a subject close to my heart, as the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, will recall, from prior incarnations. But I digress. Amendment 4 in my name would specifically impose a duty on the Secretary of State, in relation to his responsibilities regarding the public interest, to broaden that responsibility to include, via the proposed new subsection (d),

“supporting the local economy of any steel-making location which may be adversely affected by this Act”.


I have deliberately drawn this new subsection widely and not confined it to Wales, as I know from our experiences in Wales how badly steel-making communities across these islands can be hit when steel-making is ended or run down, wherever those communities may be located. I saw this with my own eyes when I was living in Merthyr Tydfil in the 1970s, at the time of the rundown of the steel manufacturing in nearby Ebbw Vale. The economic decline of the Blaenau Gwent area has been staggering, as the noble Lord, Lord Murphy, mentioned in the Second Reading debate of this Bill. It is now amongst the poorest areas, economically speaking, not only in Wales but throughout Britain. Decisions arising from the operation of this Bill, when enacted, could have far-reaching consequences for communities that have depended on steel in the past, and which may be facing dire consequences of specific and deliberate action undertaken by the Government through this Act. A duty surely lies on us to help safeguard those communities.

There will inevitably be winners and losers as a result of actions taken under this legislation. Hard-working, skilled industrial communities may be undermined through no fault of their own. Indeed, the decisions taken by the UK Government may be, in some regards, for the good of the industrial base of these islands, but do not tell me that, to an unemployed skilled steel-worker in Margam or Shotton or Llanwern—or, for that matter, in Teesside or Sheffield or Doncaster—this does not matter. If the actions of the Government in consolidating steel-making in a limited number of locations has that knock-on effect, then the Government surely have a responsibility to support those local economies hard hit. I cannot believe that a Labour Government will not readily acknowledge this. I invite them to accept Amendment 4 or at least to undertake to return with their own amendment on Report to secure the objectives I have outlined.

Amendment 36 in my name is also in this group. It would provide a vehicle, via Clause 58, whereby the financial aid outlined in Amendment 4 could be channelled through local authorities in steel-making areas hard hit by this Bill so that they were compensated for the adverse effects on local communities arising from the exercise of the powers in the Bill relating to steel-making in their area. As I stated at Second Reading, I support the objectives of this Bill but, with all the good will in the world, there will inevitably be losers as well as winners. As such far-reaching changes will be triggered by Act of Parliament, surely it behoves Parliament to safeguard those who may be adversely hit as a direct consequence. I beg to move.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords, this is a mixed bag of amendments. I will speak primarily to Amendment 29 in my name but also to some of the others.

Amendment 29 highlights the potentially distorting effects that CBAM—the carbon border adjustment mechanism—would have on various elements of the steel industry, from supplier to steel user. On the one hand, if applied fairly, CBAM could and should deal with the currently distorting global steel market, whereby Chinese steel, with a high carbon investment, is competing unfairly with greener steel in Europe and the United Kingdom. So far, so good, but the effects of CBAM on other steel users and manufacturers could, if applied wrongly, be very detrimental. That is why the international picture, particularly our future agreement with the EU, will be so important in ensuring that manufacturers do not have one hand tied behind their back.

The way that CBAM interacts with tariffs, which has not been discussed terribly much, is important and issues around energy costs have been put in this group, but in truth CBAM, the EU and energy costs fall outside—or at least at the very edges of—the scope of this Bill. However, Amendments 4 and 36 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, and Amendment 44 from the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, are front and centre within it. Tata, for example, is making considerable investments on its own account and should not be disadvantaged by any publicly owned business. Similarly, the communities in which the industry is located are vital and must be a key part of decision-making.

The nature of the amendments in this group is almost a snapshot, whereas in reality it will be a long-term issue. That is why, later in Committee, I have proposed a stakeholder advisory committee in Amendment 22 and an explicit role for Select Committees in Amendment 38. This will be an ongoing issue and we will need ongoing parliamentary review of it. While I support elements of this group and the intentions within it, I think the heavy work will be done in a different way going forward.

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[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, noble Lords have raised a number of amendments to ensure that there is a level playing field across the steel industry. I thank noble Lords for their commitment to ensuring that the Bill positively impacts the UK steel industry. A number of amendments have been tabled on this topic so, with this in mind, I will address those before turning to the new clauses proposed for the Bill. I will consider Amendments 29 to 31 together, as I believe they are intended to have the same effect.

Amendment 29 seeks to specify that compensation regulations under Clause 54(4)(b) allow the independent valuer to take into account external tariffs, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Redwood, and the carbon border adjustment mechanism when valuing the steel undertaking, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Fox. Meanwhile, Amendment 30 seeks to require that any valuation of a steel undertaking takes into account the steel import quota and tariff measure that is due to take effect from 1 July 2026. Amendment 31 would require any valuation to consider the anticipated effects of electricity prices.

I am sympathetic to concerns about the impact that these trade-related measures and electricity costs may have on steel undertakings, and therefore on any compensation determinations made by an independent valuer in relation to them under any compensation scheme regulations. However, I emphasise that the Government consider it unnecessary to add these amendments to the non-exhaustive list of examples of matters for a valuer to take into account under any compensation regulations. Any valuation would reflect the wider economic and market context, including the trading environment in which the steel undertaking operates, with or without tariffs, without the need to single out specific factors in primary legislation. This means that the valuer will ultimately have discretion to determine what they consider to be the relevant factors in making their determination.

Valuing a steel undertaking would be complex. The independent valuer would necessarily have, or be advised by those who have, expertise and experience in this area and would be well equipped to make informed decisions on their approach to valuation. For this reason, the Government do not consider these amendments necessary.

I turn to Amendment 43, which would place a duty on the Secretary of State to report to Parliament on the impact that any nationalisation of a steel undertaking would have on inward investment in the UK. I emphasise the commitments the Government have already made to support investment in the steel sector. The Government’s steel strategy set out commitments to removing barriers to investment and creating a more supportive business environment so that steel companies are better able to compete, are protected from carbon leakage and unfair trading practices, and have greater security and certainty. The Government welcome new entrants to the UK steel industry, which would foster a more competitive business environment. Government funding is available to support this.

I reassure noble Lords that the impact of nationalisation would be taken into account in any impact assessment on the use of transfer powers. This is the most appropriate mechanism for reporting on any expected impact on the economy. Given the complexity, interlinking and scale of investment trends, it would be difficult to report further on the exact impact of a single intervention. It is for this reason that we ask for this amendment not to be pressed.

Amendment 44 seeks to ensure that the powers in the Bill do not confer any advantage on publicly-owned steel undertakings which could distort competition and trade. I understand the concerns from the noble Lord, Lord Sharpe, that the Bill may unfairly distort competition and investment across the steel sector. However, I reassure your Lordships that this is not the Government’s intention. Any financial assistance provided to publicly-owned steel undertakings will be time-limited, targeted and proportionate. Furthermore, we will continue to comply with domestic and international subsidy control obligations to avoid market distortions. I hope this clarifies that the Government are committed to ensuring a level playing field between state and privately-owned steel companies. This amendment is therefore not required.

Amendments 4 and 36 were tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, who has raised concerns about what he considers to be the potential adverse impact of the Bill on local communities in steel-making areas. Amendment 4 would create an additional public interest factor for a Secretary of State to consider ahead of exercising the principal transfer power. This would be to support the local economy of any steel-making location adversely affected by the Bill.

The Government have introduced the Bill to support domestic steel-making, not to threaten it. Additionally, one of the three factors set out under the public interest test in Clause 2 is supporting the economy, including any part of the UK economy. The same applies to Amendment 36, which would allow financial assistance to be provided to compensate communities adversely affected by the Bill. I do not expect the Bill to have any adverse impacts on local communities, so I do not consider this amendment appropriate.

I emphasise to the noble Lord that the steel industry in Wales is the only part of the industry with a ring-fenced fund: £500 million for Port Talbot to transform the steelworks and secure steel production at that site and to secure the future of the south Wales steel industry. This is a significant investment that will benefit the local community in that area for years to come. This demonstrates the Government’s confidence in the Welsh steel community and the crucial role that Tata plays in it.

I understand the objective of Amendment 46, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Sharpe. We all want to ensure that any publicly owned steel undertaking can operate effectively, maintain production and continue to serve the national interest. On that objective I do not believe there is any disagreement within the Committee; where we differ is on the means of achieving it. The amendment would give the Secretary of State the power to prohibit or restrict industrial action where it is considered to pose a sufficient risk to the public interest.

The Government do not believe that curtailing workforce rights is either necessary or the right way to secure a successful and resilient steel industry. The people who work in our steel plants are not an obstacle to operational success; they are the reason it is possible. Their skills, commitment and professionalism keep furnaces running, fulfil customer orders and sustain a strategic industry on which our economy and national security depend. The long-term success of a publicly owned steel undertaking will be built on partnership with this workforce, not on restricting their rights.

Moreover, good industrial relations are an asset in themselves. Constructive engagement with employees and their trade unions is far more likely to ensure stable operations than legislation that risks damaging trust and co-operation. Indeed, imposing additional restrictions could prove counterproductive, making disputes harder rather than easier to resolve. The Government have established constructive relationships with the trade unions representing workers at British Steel and across the wider steel sector. We value the role they play in representing their members and in helping secure the future for this vital industry.

Existing industrial relations legislation already provides the legal framework for industrial action. The Government see no justification for establishing a separate and more restrictive regime merely because an undertaking has entered public ownership. Public ownership should not mean fewer workers’ rights; it should mean responsible stewardship of a strategically important industry, working with the skilled men and women whose expertise will determine its success.

I thank all noble Lords for their amendments, which aim to ensure that the Bill does not distort the market to create inequality between public and private sector steel companies. I hope I have reassured noble Lords that the Government remain committed to revitalising the steel sector, which should be achieved through co-investment from the private and public sectors. I respectfully ask that the amendment be withdrawn.

[Lord Wigley (PC)]

My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister for his response on the whole range of diverse amendments we have before us. No doubt the Opposition Front Bench will have their own opinion on which ones of these they may want to return to on Report, because there are important issues that undoubtedly have arisen from those amendments.

Amendment 4 seeks to support

“the local economy of any steel-making location which may be adversely affected by this Act”.

I noted the Minister’s response, that this may be taken to be covered by other words in this subsection and in other parts of the Bill. But, with respect, words such as

“supporting the economy of the United Kingdom or any part of the United Kingdom”,

are so general that they do not actually address the point we are specifically addressing in Amendment 4, which is the impact on local communities of steel-making locations which may be adversely affected by the Act. It may well be that some such locations are not adversely affected by the Act—they may not be helped by the Act, but they may be able to get on with it—but some almost certainly will be, and there should be express and specific provision to ensure that the needs of those areas are on the face of the Bill.

In Committee, we are quite clearly only probing these matters. But I ask the Minister whether, between now and Report, he will come back and consider that. This is because the reaction against the Act will not be from the generality of the UK economy, or regional economies; it will be from specific places that are in danger of losing out because of the changes, some of which are perhaps inevitable, but which need to take place in order to facilitate the general objective of the legislation. Therefore, in begging the leave of the House to withdraw Amendment 4, I ask the Minister to consider that specific aspect between now and Report.

Amendment 4 withdrawn.

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Moved by

[Lord Wigley]

9: Clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert—
“(2A) In assessing the “public interest” in regard to the exercise of transfer powers relating to a steel undertaking located in Wales, the Secretary of State must consult the First Minister of Wales before exercising such principal transfer powers.”Member’s explanatory statement
This amendment is to ensure that the UK Minister and the First Minister of Wales work together in taking forward transfer powers which involve a steel undertaking in Wales.

[Lord Wigley (PC)]

My Lords, the amendment proposes inserting a new subsection (2A), which provides that:

“In assessing the ‘public interest’”—


which is the whole dimension underpinning the Bill—

“in regard to the exercise of transfer powers relating to a steel undertaking located in Wales, the Secretary of State must consult the First Minister of Wales before exercising such principal transfer powers”.

This is surely basic common sense, since many, if not most, of the responsibilities impacted by such transfers in Wales rest with Senedd Cymru. These powers include economic development, town and country planning, roads, education and training, and the environment. Each one of these may, and almost certainly will, be impacted by the consequences of transfer decisions.

To those who argue that responsibility to co-operate already exists, I say that, if that responsibility is spelled out in the Bill, it would trigger an earlier and more thorough approach. Otherwise, it would be so easy to treat such dialogue and mutual action as an afterthought when it should be a cast-iron statutory requirement.

This brings me to the associated Amendment 19. Clause 50 provides powers to the Secretary of State

“to modify law in connection with … property transfers”.

Clause 50(3) is very serious as it provides for retrospective legislation. This should always trigger alarm bells, in whatever context it arises. As many of the legislative responsibilities that might be impacted by this are fully devolved to Senedd Cymru, any such regulations must be made only with the prior agreement of Senedd Cymru. This must be included in the Bill, otherwise it would be open to a Pandora’s box of utter chaos.

Amendment 19 specifically provides a route to avoid such consequences by requiring the prior agreement of Senedd Cymru to any such regulations that involve devolved powers. Including this in the Bill would avoid misunderstanding and unhelpful polarisation, so I beg to move Amendment 9 and would like to hear the Minister’s response to both it and Amendment 19.

[Lord Fox (LD)]

I will be very brief and speak with some support for the noble Lord, Lord Wigley. As far as I can tell, the Bill does not require legislative consent from either Cardiff or Edinburgh. Perhaps the Minister could confirm that. If it does not, the principle set out by the noble Lord, for both Wales and Scotland—I know that there may be industrial differences, but the two things apply—would be very important. I look forward to hearing what the Minister says in that regard.

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[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, in this group of amendments, the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, has raised important concerns about the ways in which the Bill includes the Welsh Government and legislature in decision making. Amendment 9 would amend Clause 2 on the public interest so that the Secretary of State would be required to consult the First Minister of Wales before exercising the principal transfer power in relation to an undertaking located in Wales.

The Government have been keen to engage closely with the devolved Governments throughout the passage of the Bill, and I am grateful for the approach taken by all parties in that engagement. I am delighted to inform your Lordships that the Scottish Parliament granted its legislative consent to the Bill on 23 June. I record my thanks to Ministers and officials who worked swiftly to complete the legislative consent process ahead of the Scottish Parliament’s Summer Recess.

I am happy to confirm that the Government will ordinarily consult the relevant devolved Ministers if it is likely that the principal transfer power will be used in relation to a steel undertaking with its principal place of business in Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland. If this is not possible because swift action in the public interest is required, Ministers will engage with their ministerial counterparts at the earliest opportunity following the exercise of the principal transfer power. I also understand that my colleagues, Ministers and the Secretary of State for Wales will meet their counterparts in the Welsh Government tomorrow to discuss the Bill further.

Amendment 19 would require the Senedd to give approval to any proposed use of the modification power that would relate to devolved regulations. Again, I am sympathetic to the sentiment of this amendment and reassure the noble Lord that the modification power in Clause 50 is targeted and limited to applications necessary to ensure that transfer powers can be exercised effectively. It is not a general power to amend legislation. The drafting does not permit any changes to other laws unless they are for the purpose of ensuring that the powers in the Bill can be exercised effectively.

Although I cannot agree with these amendments, I reiterate the Government’s desire to continue engaging closely with our partners in the devolved Governments. In particular, the Government are continuing to discuss the Bill with the Welsh Government, and I hope to be able to provide noble Lords with further updates later in the Bill’s passage. However, I ask the noble Lord to withdraw his amendment.

[Lord Wigley (PC)]

Well, well, well—I thank noble Lords for their positive responses. I thank the noble Lords, Lord Fox and Lord Hunt, and indeed the Minister, for the tone and content of their support for the principles here, if not the exact wording on the Order Paper. I noted with interest the ongoing discussions with colleagues in Cardiff and that there are further discussions about to take place. If, arising from those discussions, the Government feel it is appropriate to tweak the Bill to cover those points, I am sure that would be widely welcomed all round. On the basis of this general positive approach, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 9 withdrawn.