Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd
Main Page: Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd (Crossbench - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd's debates with the HM Treasury
(1 day, 19 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I too support the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, in his introduction to this Bill and warmly thank him for bringing it again before the House.
As the noble Lord, Lord Murphy, said, the real place to start is the constitutional issue. As forcefully pointed out in our last debate on this, this does not, as it presently stands, deal with a union matter. We are dealing with a matter capable of devolution because power over the estate has been devolved to Scotland. One can see immediately from the Scottish Crown Estate’s report one of the benefits of that: it shows the revenue, as the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, referred to, with a breakdown showing how each community benefits. I will ask the Treasury to think about this hearts and minds issue in a moment.
The real issue is trying to marry what the Minister and the noble Lord, Lord Moynihan, said about the short term and the long term. What is lacking, in my view, is transparency, accountability and a long-term strategy, and distinguishing all that from the technical business of managing the offshore wind industry. They are separate problems; if we disentangled them, we might be able to make some progress.
That progress can be made only by recalling the history of Wales, however the Crown Estate came to the Crown: partly by conquest—it is important to emphasise that word in the history of the United Kingdom—partly by inheritance or partly by an Act of Parliament. Maybe that does not matter, but what does matter from the history of Wales is the perception of the Welsh people. Their natural resources have been exploited, first in coal and the heritage with which we live, and then with water. The Welsh people are not prepared to allow this to happen again. How do we solve this problem?
I am delighted that, as the Minister told us on the last occasion during the passage of the Bill on the Crown Estate proper, the Government are going to discuss issues with the Welsh Government. I very much hope that the Minister can help us with those discussions.
Secondly, I hope that, as soon as the Bill is passed, there will be Welsh commissioner. One must remember, however, that his function is limited to giving advice on the functions in relation to land. What is wrong is that, first, there is no transparency of the position; secondly, there is no showing how the assets are used to the benefit of Wales; and, thirdly, there is no long-term strategy.
The Minister told us two things of great importance on 14 October. He said:
“As the Crown Estate’s operations are not divided into business units for each nation, agreeing the exact net profit figure attributable to Wales is not straightforward, because most of the associated costs cannot easily be disentangled from the Crown Estate’s overall costs and would, in places, require subjective judgment”.
Secondly, he said that,
“if Wales were to benefit only from the income generated in Wales, then it would likely be zero or negligible for several decades to come. Welsh assets are relatively new and will take time to mature, likely in the order of 10 to 15 years”.—[Official Report, 14/10/24; cols. 29-30.]
Both of those things are used as a justification for making no progress.
One looks to the Crown Estate’s annual report. Although these reports are not a joyous read, there is an awful lot of information contained in them. Unlike the position in relation to Scotland, a document called Wales Highlights contains absolutely no financial information of what income is generated. There is nothing of the kind. If one goes back to Wales Highlights for the year ending 31 March 2020, it showed a gross surplus income of £8.4 million on property valued at £96.8 million. I think that most businessmen would not think that this was a bad return for whatever came. Whether that falls into the category of a negligible income, I do not know, but no doubt it would help stop the leaks in the museums of Wales.
The following year shows a similar income, but it also shows the revaluation of the Crown Estate in Wales from £96.8 million to £603 million. Importantly, this appears to result from the offshore wind leasing round four. At the time of the full report for the whole Crown Estate, the revenue—it is broken down in some senses, most importantly for marine—was only £120.8 million. The highlighting stopped, and I simply do not understand why, after that review in Wales, there is no breakdown. I very much hope that the Minister will explain why what was practical in 2021, when round four had taken place and we were able to value the leases in Wales, has stopped. There should be full transparency and accountability.
What is important is to look at how the profits of the Crown Commissioner rose. By the year ending March 2022, the operating profit from marine had risen modestly to £127.5 million. However, by the year ending 2024, it had risen to £1.19 billion. If one looks at the notes to the account, the part of it attributed to the consolidated fund is a huge amount of money, but where did the increase come from? It is clear from page 50 of the annual report that it is attributable to option fees on round four, which produced £1 billion. What I do not understand is why we cannot know what is attributable to Wales. It is critical that there be proper accountability.
I come to my point, which is this: we need to work together to allow what the Minister and the noble Lord, Lord Moynihan—and, I am sure, the people of Wales—rightly want, which is good management of the assets, but we need accountability and transparency. As the Crown Estate Commissioner will not tell the people of Wales what the benefits are, they must be compelled to do so by an Act of Parliament.
I very much hope that this Bill will move to Committee, as time does not permit me to develop these details of accounting any further. I should not have to do this, but what is absolutely clear is that the current step forward is not enough. This Government, in particular HM Treasury, must bear in mind that, in about 15 months’ time, the people of Wales will be able to make a judgment. I hope that, by that stage, the historic legacy of the way in which Wales has been deprived of the benefits from its natural resources will be shown. At the moment, there is money coming to Wales from its resources, and there is a good prospect for the future.
I apologise to the House for speaking prematurely; I should have spoken in the gap. I apologise for that. My only mitigation is that, as a good Welshman, I was led by the spirit.
My Lords, is a pleasure to speak in this debate today. I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, on this Bill and on his opening speech. While we may disagree on the substance of this issue, I enjoyed our debates on this topic during the passage of the Crown Estate Bill, and it was a pleasure to hear him put the case so powerfully again today.
I will begin by setting out how the Crown Estate currently operates and the case for retaining the current model, which the Government believe provides the best deal for Wales and for the wider United Kingdom. As noble Lords will be aware, the Crown Estate was established with the aim of creating lasting and shared prosperity for the whole of the United Kingdom. Governed by the Crown Estate Act 1961, it holds a diverse portfolio of buildings, shoreline, seabed, forestry, agriculture and common land. It has shown itself to be a trusted and successful independent commercial business, with a proven track record of effective manage-ment. Each year, the Crown Estate is required to pay its profits into the UK Consolidated Fund, which has totalled more than £4 billion over the past decade. This money is used to fund vital public services across the UK, including in Wales in reserved areas. When the UK Consolidated Fund is spent in England—in areas which are devolved to Wales—the Welsh Government also receive funding through the operation of the Barnett formula.
The proposed powers in the Crown Estate Bill, which is currently progressing through the other place, combined with the Crown Estate’s existing scale, expertise and track record, mean that it is uniquely placed to drive forward important growth-generating projects in Wales. This is particularly true in relation to offshore renewable energy and other emerging offshore technologies.
Over the last 20 years, the Crown Estate has helped to deliver a number of important renewable energy projects and to position Wales at the vanguard of clean energy technology and growth. The benefits of these projects are being felt in communities and supply chains right across Wales. For example, the Crown Estate has invested £1.2 million in Welsh tidal stream energy through the Morlais demonstration zone in Anglesey. Last year, the Crown Estate launched offshore wind leasing round 5 for floating offshore wind in the Celtic Sea, which is expected to deliver significant jobs and supply chain benefits locally. The Crown Estate works closely with the Welsh Government and Natural Resources Wales to develop these projects and ensure that resources are sustainably managed for the long term.
As noble Lords will remember, the Government were pleased to support the successful amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Hain, moved by my noble friend Lord Murphy, to the Crown Estate Bill, which will see the appointment of two Crown Estate board commissioners for Wales and Northern Ireland respectively. This is a positive step that will ensure the Crown Estate’s board continues to work in the best interests of the whole of the UK. Importantly, the devolved Governments will reserve the right to be consulted over these appointments. I am grateful to all noble Lords across the House, including some who have spoken in today’s debate, for their work to make this change possible.
Let me turn to the concerns the Government have with the Bill we are discussing today. Devolving the Crown Estate to Wales at this time risks significant fragmentation of the energy market and jeopardising the existing pipeline of offshore wind development in the Celtic Sea planned into the 2030s. This in turn would undermine international investor confidence and significantly delay progress towards net zero, to the detriment of the whole of the UK.
Devolution would likely require the creation of a new entity to take on the management of the Crown Estate in Wales. This entity would not benefit from the Crown Estate’s substantial capability and capital and systems abilities, nor from the fact that the Crown Estate’s marine investments are currently made on a portfolio-wide basis across England and Wales. Devolving the Crown Estate to Wales at this time would disrupt these existing investments, as they would need to be restructured to accommodate a Welsh-specific entity.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Humphreys, quoted from our debates on the Crown Estate Bill, devolution would likely delay UK-wide grid connectivity reform, which is crucial for meeting our growth targets, because it would make it harder to co-ordinate energy generation and infrastructure across England and Wales. The Government are driving forward grid connectivity reform. Introducing a new entity, which would have control of assets only within Wales, into this complex operating environment, where partnerships have already been formed, would not make commercial sense. A devolved entity would be starting from scratch, midway through a multimillion-pound commercial tendering process for a pipeline of Welsh projects, at a time when the Crown Estate is undertaking critical investment in the UK’s path towards net zero.
Some noble Lords have argued today that Wales would benefit financially from devolution of the Crown Estate. Let me set out why the Government believe this not to be the case. As I have already noted, Wales benefits from the UK Government’s spending derived from the Crown Estate. It receives Barnett funding when Crown Estate funding is spent in England in areas which are devolved in Wales. As the noble and learned Lord, Lord Thomas, quoted from our debates on the recent Crown Estate Bill, if Wales were to benefit only from the income from the Crown Estate generated in Wales, it would likely be zero or negligible for several decades to come. This is because Welsh assets are relatively new and will take time to mature, likely to be in the order of 10 to 15 years. Previous reports did not include costs and, as I understand it, many of the figures quoted today are reports of profits from activities without taking into account costs. As I have said before during debates on the Crown Estate Bill, disaggregating activities requires a high degree of subjective judgment.
My noble friend Lord Murphy asked about funding for the Wales Government in the event of devolution of the Crown Estate. Even if devolution could be achieved without risking the revenues for Wales that the Crown Estate generates, this would not automatically lead to an increase in the funding available to the Wales Government. As agreed in the Scottish Government’s fiscal framework review, which concluded in August 2023, the Scottish Government receive a block grant reduction to reflect the profits they retain from Crown Estate Scotland following its devolution.
The noble Lord, Lord Wigley, and my noble friend Lord Murphy raised the Treasury Ministers’ discussions with the Welsh Government about the Crown Estate. In November, I met the Welsh Government’s Cabinet Secretary for Finance and Welsh Language. Our discussion covered a range of issues, including the Crown Estate. I reiterated the UK Government’s position that we do not believe devolution of the Crown Estate is in the best interests of Wales or the wider UK. More widely, the UK Government maintain regular ministerial and official-level engagement with the Welsh Government across a range of different policy areas.
The Crown Estate’s existing scale, expertise and track record mean it is uniquely placed to drive forward growth and investment in Wales. Wales continues to benefit from the funding generated by the Crown Estate, both through the UK Government’s spending in reserved areas in Wales and through funding for the Welsh Government via the Barnett formula. Devolving the Crown Estate at this time would significantly fragment the UK’s energy market, jeopardise the existing pipeline of offshore wind development in the Celtic Sea, undermine international investor confidence in the UK and significantly delay our progress towards net zero. It is for these reasons that the Government cannot support the Bill before your Lordships’ House. The Government will of course continue to discuss these issues—
Before the Minister sits down, I want to press him on one point: the proportion of income classified in the accounts as derived in the marine sector from option fee and other income, some of which is straight-lined into the Consolidated Fund. Can he give the figure for Wales? As we have discussed, he was able to give it at an earlier point; it must be possible, and I would be grateful if he would write to the House and give us that figure. It is of huge symbolic importance to the people of Wales, and I do not want this Government to suffer 15 months hence.
I am very grateful to the noble and learned Lord for his concern for the Government. I am told it is impossible to disaggregate the figures in the way that he has asked. I will double check that and write to him if I can, but I am told it is not possible to do that disaggregation.
Forgive me for a moment, but I am quite used to arguing with accountants and I would be delighted to meet the Crown Estate to try to understand what the problem is. I believe it is accountancy gobbledygook that we cannot do it. Of course there will be an element of subjective judgment, but it can be done. If it cannot be done, please can I meet the accountants at the Crown Estate?
I will happily suggest that to the accountants at the Crown Estate.
The Government will continue to discuss these issues with the First Minister and the Welsh Government, to ensure that Wales sees the full benefits of the Crown Estate.