Autumn Statement 2022 Debate

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Department: HM Treasury
Tuesday 29th November 2022

(2 years ago)

Lords Chamber
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Lord Fox Portrait Lord Fox (LD)
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My Lords, this is my first chance to welcome the noble Baroness, Lady Penn, back to her position at the Dispatch Box, and obviously my first chance to welcome the noble Baroness, Lady Lea, to her position on the Conservative Benches. I draw attention to the fact that I am on the executive of both the All-Party Parliamentary Motor Group and the Chemical Industry All-Party Parliamentary Group.

For this debate to be so long after the Statement has given time for perspective to develop—that is perhaps putting a gloss on it. Reports have been published and analysis probing the implications of the numbers and projections is available, and I am sure that your Lordships will draw on that research in various ways. For example, the Institute for Fiscal Studies concluded that the Chancellor was

“hemmed in by rising interest payments and poor growth prospects”

and in this position

“decided to allow borrowing to rise, and to put off properly tough decisions”

until after the next election. For example, I note that the vast bulk of the projected cuts in the benefits budget are scheduled to start in 2024.

That means that borrowing will take the strain in the near term, with the great majority of the planned consolidation due only after the next election. Decisions like this indicate that the Financial Statement was informed not just by a lack of headroom but by fairly cynical politics. I would judge that Chancellor Hunt has adopted either a Micawber strategy—“Something might turn up”—or what I would call the advance Liam Byrne strategy: he has already left a note for the next incoming Chancellor that says, “There’s no money left”.

However, the serious side is what this is doing to people, and how hard it is hitting and will hit families. Paul Johnson of the IFS was very clear when he said:

“The truth is we just got a lot poorer. We are in for a long, hard, unpleasant journey; a journey that has been made more arduous than it might have been by a series of economic own goals.”


The Office for Budget Responsibility—the OBR—reports that living standards will be down by 7% over this year and the next. This is the biggest fall in living memory and off the back of very poor income growth for many years prior. The effects of this will be felt across the country. To quote Paul Johnson of the IFS again, he said:

“This will hit everyone. But perhaps it will be those on middling sorts of incomes who feel the biggest hit … Middle England is set for a shock.”


What is clear is that Chancellor Hunt, and whoever is in that role after the next election, will reap the costs of Conservative chaos and a long-term failure to grow the economy. Combined with this are the effects of an ageing population, hundreds of thousands—if not millions—of people unexpectedly stepping out of the economy, QE and high levels of past borrowing. On this latter point, we face simply huge levels of expected spend on debt interest. Interest is more or less double what had been forecast and will hit around £100 billion a year by the end of the forecast period.

Without growth, however, the situation will be even worse and the Chancellor’s projections rely on growth built into the OBR projections. Yet it is very hard to see how this Statement helps that growth. Indeed, it is very likely that it will contract the economy rather than grow it. This is not helped by at least one change that actually undermines future growth. I shall use the rest of my speech to explain.

The Chancellor used his Statement to make changes in the R&D tax credit scheme. The scheme currently provides tax incentives for companies to invest in innovation, which is considered key to growing the technology base of the country. Indeed, we should take no word other than the Government’s, who trumpeted it as such a measure. In his Autumn Statement, however, the Chancellor made the incentives much less generous for small and medium-sized businesses. This is a very misplaced change, which some people have described as disastrous. For example, Make UK points out that about two-thirds of private sector expenditure on R&D is made by manufacturing companies and a large number of those will be hit by this change.

Elsewhere, the BioIndustry Association, which represents life science companies, warned that the changes would result in promising innovations, ranging from vaccines to cancer treatments, moving overseas. In taking from smaller companies, the Chancellor seems to be giving back to the country’s bigger businesses via changes in the R&D expenditure credit—RDEC—scheme. But it is in SMEs that key innovations often start, and to hit them is not sensible. I am not decrying the RDEC system, which has been shown to yield very positive returns. Increasing the generosity of RDEC, however, should not come at the expense of support for SMEs.

The Chancellor’s justification for this very detrimental change is that, in the view of the Treasury, the “generosity” —its word—of the scheme had made it a target for fraud. First, we should point out that the Treasury’s record on fraud is not glorious, given the billions of pounds shelled out during Covid that will never be repaid. Secondly, if there is an acknowledged problem in the administration of the scheme, surely the sensible thing to do is to administer it better. Yet reducing the value of the scheme means that genuine claimants are being punished for a failure properly to police the scheme. It is a very blunt instrument. If the Treasury was concerned about fraud, perhaps it could have instigated a system that properly checked the validity of the claims. If it wanted to drive growth, it should look at other systems of support and take the CBI’s advice, such as to look more carefully at the definition of R&D and to improve complicated HMRC and BEIS tax credit guidance.

It is clear that the Chancellor had a tough job, especially given the wreckage created by his immediate predecessor. However, while we are all agreed that growth is the key to digging the nation out of this hole, the Chancellor is introducing measures that will reduce growth. This is not only practically damaging but a very clear indication that this Government do not understand innovation—and that is very worrying.