Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 9th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, we are witnessing both the systematic collective punishment and brutalisation of a civilian population combined with the weaponisation of food and medicine. A Government have made a decision to annex land that is not theirs and to put women and children, whose only sin is seeking aid, in the position of being at risk of literally starving to death. These are war crimes. Civilians are dying daily from gunshot wounds inflicted as they queue for food. Yesterday, the head of Save the Children US said it is reported that children who require surgery are waking up during that surgery because there is insufficient anaesthetic.

In the catalogue of horror in recent days, we know three incontrovertible facts. First, Prime Minister Netanyahu’s approach has not ended Hamas’s continued criminal and terrorist presence. The trauma of hostage families continues and now, for too many, it has turned into despair. Secondly, we see unabated the approach of extremist Ministers to forcibly and illegally occupy new territory. Thirdly, the sincerely meant and genuine concern of Ministers in the UK and elsewhere is having next to no effect in preventing it.

The time for timid behaviour is therefore over. These Benches have consistently called for the Government to take firm action, and they must do so now. We called for the sanctioning of extremist Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich 18 months ago because we knew we needed clear preventative action. Given that the legal text of what we called for is on Ministers’ desks, why are the Government not implementing those sanctions, demonstrating that the UK will no longer tolerate calls for Palestinian dispossession?

We must cease all trade in the areas affected by these because Netanyahu’s Ministers claim that illegal outposts and settlements are Israeli land, which they are not. Why has the UK not expanded action to those Ministers and Members of the Knesset who support a continuation of the blockade of aid and call for annexation? Why has the UK not ceased all arms trading with the Netanyahu Government until they adhere to international humanitarian law?

The Minister in the House of Commons was asked last week our Government’s view of the ICJ advisory opinion on the Netanyahu Government that their

“policies and practices are contrary to the prohibition of forcible transfer of the protected population under … Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention”.

He replied:

“We continue to consider the ICJ’s advisory opinion with the seriousness that it deserves”.—[Official Report, Commons, 4/6/25; col. 342.]


I remind the House that the opinion was in July last year. Surely the Government cannot any longer simply consider the opinion but should act on it. When Ministers tell me the Government act on the advisory opinion of the ICJ on the Chagos Islands but not on Gaza, I say to the Government that we must not have double standards.

As I said at the start of these questions to the Minister, we are a witness to history—one where we look with daily horror at the continuing unconscionable cruelty to children. But we are a Parliament, not just a witness. We must now, with urgency and clarity, provide action that is not too late to seek to prevent the annexation of Gaza and the West Bank, with the UK leading others in recognising the state of Palestine, showing beyond doubt the UK’s commitment to Palestinians’ right to self-determination and a two-state solution. With that and the other actions that these Benches have outlined, we might at least try to restore a process that a ceasefire could start and which could then be established and honoured, and there could be some respite for those being so terribly brutalised.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I thank both noble Lords for their contributions and questions. I say to the noble Lord opposite that the United Kingdom has been a close and long-standing friend of Israel. As the Foreign Secretary said yesterday, Israel suffered a heinous attack on 7 October and the Government have always backed Israel’s right to defend itself. We have condemned Hamas and its abhorrent treatment of the hostages, and we have stood with the families and demanded that their loved ones are released.

However, we also have a duty to condemn Israel’s latest action in Gaza. As the Foreign Secretary has said, the Israeli Government are

“isolating Israel from its friends and partners around the world, undermining the interests of the Israeli people and damaging … the state of Israel”.—[Official Report, Commons, 20/5/25; col. 924.]

We have been very clear in condemning the outrageous language in the comments of Ben-Gvir and Smotrich but, as the noble Lord knows, I will not be tempted into foreseeing or predicting future sanctions. We do not do that, and I am not going to do that today.

We have been absolutely clear that we will not speculate, but we have made it clear in our joint statement with France and Canada that if Israel does not cease the renewed military offensive and lift its restrictions on humanitarian aid, we will take further concrete actions. We have been very strong with our partners in opposing the expansion of Israel’s military operation in Gaza, and we have reaffirmed our calls for the Israeli Government to stop their military operations in Gaza and immediately allow humanitarian aid in. The Foreign Secretary announced sanctions on 20 May to target those supporting violence against Palestinian communities in the West Bank, following extremely concerning surges in this type of violence.

We have announced the formal pause of free trade agreement negotiations with Israel, effective immediately. This is because it is not possible to advance discussions on deepening trading relationships with the Netanyahu Government, who are pursuing policies that are damaging to the UK, the wider region and their own citizens. The Minister for the Middle East also summoned the Israeli ambassador to discuss our severe concerns at the situation. We are clear that if Israel does not cease the renewed military offensive and lift restrictions on humanitarian aid, we will take further concrete actions in response.

The noble Lord, Lord Purvis, also raised the ICJ. We are fully committed to international law and respect the independence of the ICJ. Despite what the noble Lord says, we continue to consider the court’s advisory opinion carefully with the seriousness and rigour it deserves. UK commitment to a two-state solution is, of course, unwavering—and I will come back to that point.

I say to both noble Lords—who I know share my concern—that we are absolutely appalled by repeated reports of mass casualty incidents in which Palestinians have been killed while trying to access aid sites in Gaza. Desperate civilians who have endured 20 months of war should never face the risk of death or injury simply to feed themselves and their families. We have called for an immediate and independent investigation into these events and for the perpetrators to be held to account, including during a meeting of the UN Security Council on 4 June. We do not support any aid mechanism that seeks to deliver political or military objectives or puts vulnerable civilians at risk. We call on Israel to urgently engage with the UN to ensure a return to the delivery of aid in line with humanitarian principles.

Israel’s proposals to deliver aid to Gaza via private companies is dangerous for civilians and aid workers and cannot possibly deliver aid to all who need it. We endorse the plan for the delivery of aid put forward by the UN on 16 May, which is based on humanitarian principles, has built-in mitigations against aid diversion and uses established mechanisms to deliver aid at scale, which is required. Hamas must allow humanitarian assistance to be distributed without interference. I think all noble Lords understand and appreciate the seriousness of the situation. Working with our allies, we are very focused on trying to see what leverage we can bring to ensure that a solution is found as soon as possible.

The noble Lord is absolutely right about the demonstration. We can be proud of our country, which allows the right to association and the freedom to demonstrate. I think that all of us in this House respect opinions that do not necessarily agree with our own, particularly on this subject, but I accept that it is wrong for people to interfere with others who are going about their business. Certainly, I join the noble Lord in condemning such action, which is not acceptable at all.

[Baroness Blackstone (Lab)]

My Lords, the Statement makes reference to the importance of a two-state solution if we are to get security for both Palestinians and Israelis. In the light of that, what action—that means more than condemnation; it really does mean action—are the Government taking, given the decision by the Israeli Government to build 22 new settlements on the West Bank? These settlements are illegal and will make it more and more difficult to have a two-state solution. If the Minister can give the House some hope that we will take action that goes beyond simply condemnation on this matter, I would be grateful.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hear what my noble friend says, but since we came into office this Government have taken action. We stopped the export of arms that could be used in Gaza and we are determined to take further action, particularly with the discussions on the free trade agreement. This is a Government who have taken action, but it is not just about punitive action; it is about working with allies to achieve that goal of a two-state solution. That is why we are very committed to ensuring that the conference co-hosted by France and Saudi Arabia is a success. If we can focus all international allies, including those in the Middle East, on the importance of delivering a two-state solution, this Government will be taking not just punitive action but positive action towards a peaceful solution. I say to the noble Lord opposite that the only real secure future, for both Palestinians and Israel, is a two-state solution where both communities can live in peace.

[Lord Pickles (Con)]

My Lords, if there is to be a recognition of a Palestinian state, will the Minister tell us what its boundaries will be? Will he give an assurance that any recognition would ensure that all parties recognise the right of the Jewish people to have a state?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think the noble Lord knows the answer. For those who have advocated a two-state solution and support parties towards it, obviously a precondition is the security of the State of Israel. We are absolutely committed to that. On the progress towards a two-state solution, we have been working with the Palestinian Authority, which does recognise that, and we have had progress in the past. But we want to ensure that we support those in the Palestinian Authority who can deliver that two-state solution that the noble Lord referred to. So I do not disagree with him; I just think that he implies—and I strongly say—that we see recognition as part of the process towards the establishment of a two-state solution. We do not see it as the end in itself. When the time is right to do that, it will be when we can deliver a more secure basis for that solution.

[Lord Walney (CB)]

My Lords, the situation in Gaza is horrendous, and any new settlement building is completely wrong. Can I press for a greater understanding of the Government’s position on aid delivery? I follow the logic of what the Minister says—that aid should not be delivered to further any political or military objective—but then what do the Government think of the way that aid has got in until now? When the Minister sees massed Hamas gunmen on top of aid trucks and sees the Hamas operatives threatening death to anyone who takes aid that is not through that route, surely the Government understand that that route is also fundamentally compromised.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The only word my noble friend uses that I disagree with is “fundamentally”. We have been working with all UN agencies and with NGOs to ensure that Hamas does not interfere with distribution. We have made that absolutely clear, and we have strongly condemned such interference. But the simple fact is that we know that the delivery of aid via private companies is dangerous for civilians and for aid workers and cannot possibly deliver aid to all who need it. That is why we continue to press the Government of Israel to permit the full and unhindered resumption of aid flow into Gaza, and that should take place immediately. By far the most effective way to meet the desperate needs of the Gazan people at the speed and scale that is needed is via overland routes, with the UN agencies and NGOs that we have supported delivering that aid.

[Lord Grocott (Lab)]

My Lords, for as long as most of us can remember, Ministers such as my noble friend have been talking about the two-state solution as the holy grail that gets us all out of the difficulties. But is it not now time to recognise that the simple truth—which I ask him to confirm—is that the present Government in Israel, and indeed almost any reconfiguration that we could imagine, are implacably opposed in principle to any suggestion of a Palestinian state? Indeed, as the noble Lord, Lord Pickles, helpfully reminded us, there is no boundary that could be seen to provide one at the moment.

We need to try to unlock that hopeless position of the Israelis vetoing any independence whatsoever for the people of the West Bank or east Jerusalem, and take the opportunity of the Saudi Arabian and French initiative to make some movement towards breaking the logjam by saying that, yes, we—the UK Government with allies—will recognise a Palestinian state. Until everyone, including the Israelis, recognise the imperative requirement of that, there will be no peace.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

If only it were a question of the United Kingdom recognising the Palestinian state. Of course, our long-standing position, as my noble friend knows, is that we will do so. We will recognise a Palestinian state at a time that is most conducive to the peace process and to the realisation of a Palestinian state. It is one thing to say that we will recognise it, but it is another thing to see a secure situation established whereby the Palestinian people can live securely and in a neighbourly way with the State of Israel, as the noble Lord, Lord Pickles, said. Therefore, we will recognise it when it is conducive to delivering that objective. Everyone in this Chamber has had their hopes raised for peace in the Middle East, certainly since 1948. We absolutely must renew our efforts to deliver that because, with the humanitarian situation, those extremists in the Israeli Government have shown what they can do. The situation in Gaza is evidence of that, and we must not tolerate it.

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register of interests. I listened very carefully to my noble friend Lord Pickles, and I would say that there are plans, and there are people in Israel and in the Palestinian Authority—people in all communities—who want peace and want it now. We all agree on that, as one, irrespective of the need to get aid in. I have said to the Minister before that we should unblock and use the air routes and work with the United States, Egypt and Jordan to get aid delivered. We must work with all sides to ensure that aid gets in.

My question is a specific one. There is a peace plan from a former Prime Minister of Israel, Prime Minister Olmert, and a former Foreign Minister of the Palestinian Authority, Nasser al-Kidwa. It works on the two-state solution, including on the definition of boundaries, but recognises, importantly, that east Jerusalem is a sacred place for the Jewish community, the Muslim community and the Christian community. There are plans and there are people who wish to engage. Can the Minister assure me that he will make sure that His Majesty’s Government engage with all these key parties, because ultimately, peace, as Menachem Begin said, is inevitable?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right about the people of Israel. I am very careful to draw a clear distinction between the people of Israel and the current Government of Israel. It is the current Government of Israel who are pursuing this awful policy in relation to Gaza. The noble Lord is also absolutely right to draw attention to a range of options in terms of the peace discussions. That is why the initiative by France and Saudi Arabia is really important—because it can convene people. We talked in the earlier Question about the convening power of the United Nations, which is vital. I do not think that we can take an exclusive approach to the peace process; it has to be as inclusive as possible, but we are determined to support the reforms within the Palestinian Authority, to strengthen their work and to strengthen their credibility among the Palestinian people.

On the noble Lord’s question about aid, he knows that if we could have airlifts, we would explore every such mechanism to get aid in. But as he repeatedly assured me when I was in opposition and he was the Minister, there is only one real, successful way to get the amount of aid that is needed into Gaza, and that is through the road routes. We are determined to ensure that that is the case.

[Baroness Janke (LD)]

My Lords—

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[The Lord Bishop of Southwark]

My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister and to His Majesty’s Government for the Statement on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. May I press the Minister on two things? The first is the attack by Israeli forces on the compound of the Anglican al-Ahli Hospital in Gaza, killing five, including three journalists and a father escorting his son to the surgical unit for treatment for prior injuries. This is the latest in a number of attacks by the IDF on church hospitals and churches, in defiance of international law. Will the Minister accept that specific actions are now required, since reasoned pleas have been ignored?

Secondly, in light of what the Minister has said about the UN conference from 17 to 20 June and the conducive time to recognise Palestine, will he confirm that a bold and clear statement will be made at that conference of the Government’s firm intention to recognise the state of Palestine?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I say to the right reverend Prelate that I have been clear about when we will recognise the state of Palestine, and that is when it is most conducive to that two-state solution. We will work with allies to ensure that we can create those conditions. The conference is part of that, but not the sole part. He is absolutely right to condemn the actions in Gaza and the Occupied Territories in terms of the use of violence; I think we can all be very concerned.

It is frustrating if it appears that we are not doing anything. We are absolutely determined to work with our allies so that the Government of Israel fully understand our concerns. Of course, we voted on 4 June in favour of the UN Security Council resolution focused on the humanitarian situation in Gaza. We highlighted that the Israeli Government’s decisions to expand its military operations in Gaza and severely restrict aid are totally unjustifiable, disproportionate and counterproductive. With our allies, we have called for an end to restrictions on aid. We believe that UN and other humanitarian partners must be allowed to operate, and we must be able to get back to a situation where we can get aid to where it is most needed.

On 19 May, we released a joint statement with Canada and France calling for Israel to cease its renewed military offensive and lift restrictions, so we are using what mechanisms we can. We are also using specific actions bilaterally against the Government of Israel. The initial one was the restriction of arms sales; another concerned the trade agreement. We are absolutely committed to ensuring that we work with our allies to make sure that the Government of Israel know our deep concern about this situation.

[Baroness Janke (LD)]

My Lords, what is the Government’s response to reports claiming that thousands of items listed under the category “bombs, grenades, torpedoes, mines, missiles and similar munitions of war” were exported from the UK to Israel, as well as four shipments described under customs codes as “tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles”? They were all reportedly delivered after the Government suspended licences for equipment that could be used offensively in Gaza in September. Will the Government take firm action to ensure that weapons from the UK are not being used to commit war crimes in Gaza and the West Bank and Occupied Territories?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I absolutely reassure the noble Baroness that the UK is not arming Israel’s war in Gaza. We can categorically say we do not export any bombs or ammunition for use in military operations in Gaza. As I have repeatedly said, one of the first acts of this Government was to review and suspend export licences for weapons that could be used by the Israel Defense Forces in Gaza. We have successfully implemented that suspension and continue to refuse all relevant licence applications.

I have also seen the press reports; we do not recognise the suggestion that arms exports from the UK to Israel increased following 7 October 2023, which covers a period under the last Government. The Government took decisive action in initiating a review of international humanitarian law on that day, so I can categorically say that we are not exporting bombs or ammunition for use in military operations.

[Lord Singh of Wimbledon (CB)]

My Lords, every day during prayers in this House, we pledge to put aside personal interests, prejudices and partial affections—that is, so-called friendships. Yet, we look in a benevolent way to the Israeli Government, who are accused of genocide, war crimes and the weaponising of hunger against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. Unbelievably, we continue to supply arms and intelligence to Israel. Does the Minister agree that, in the 21st century, it is imperative that we look beyond politics, friendship or economic gain and base our foreign policy on the Christian and Sikh teachings of looking to the wider well-being of all, including Palestinians?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Well, I think I gave in response to an earlier question an absolutely categorical reassurance that we are not arming Israel with bombs and ammunition that could be used in Gaza. We are faced with a situation here. Israel has the right to defend itself. What the Government of Israel do not have the right to do is deny humanitarian aid into Gaza. We have made that position absolutely clear. We are absolutely focused on ensuring that that aid gets in.

As we have debated many times, the real solution will come when we can create a situation of peace. I believe that is what the majority of Israeli citizens want: they want peace, they want to live with their neighbour and they want a secure state. But so do the Palestinians. The two-state solution is something we should be aiming towards. That is the condition for peace: living side by side with neighbours in a peaceful way.

[Baroness Berger (Lab)]

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register of interests. The humanitarian situation in Gaza is desperate, with many thousands of civilians needing food and medical supplies. Access to aid must be safe and rapidly expanded. I discussed these issues in Israel with opposition leaders the week before last, and they are clear that this war must stop and that the hostages need to come home as a top priority. An election will take place in Israel next year, and every poll since 7 October points to Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition being ejected from office. What steps are this Government taking to strengthen Israelis and Palestinians who are serious about the compromises necessary for progress towards peace and the two-state solution that we all want to see?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Of course, the Government of Israel is a matter for the people of Israel to decide. However, I am confident that the majority of people in Israel want peace and the things that my noble friend mentioned. The most important thing that our Government can do is to work with our allies, particularly in the Middle East, to ensure that the agenda for the conference on the two-state solution is absolutely focused on the means to deliver it, so that we can create the conditions that my noble friend described.