Great British Energy Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Berkeley
Main Page: Lord Berkeley (Labour - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Berkeley's debates with the Department for Energy Security & Net Zero
(1 month, 2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I declare my nuclear power-related interests, as stated in the register. I support my noble friend Lord Offord of Garvel, who has moved Amendment 59 which, together with other amendments in this group, seeks to align the objectives of GBE with claims made by the Government before the general election as to what GBE would achieve for consumers.
I think it is fair to say that the pledge to cut consumers’ bills by £300 per household was a specific promise, and it was repeated often. I understand that the £300 pledge was made on the back of a report by the energy think tank Ember, but that it was based on the energy price cap that applied in 2023. Is it not also based on the less ambitious plan for transition to net zero, to which the previous Government had committed? However, the previous Government had not planned on setting up GBE. Will the Minister please explain where the savings figure of £300 came from, and whether the Government still support it? In that case, is it not right that it should be made a specific objective of GBE?
Will the Minister also tell the Committee whether my noble friend Lord Frost was correct in his warning, in his debate on 14 November, that NESO’s figures predicting the cost of electricity generated from offshore wind were rather optimistic at £44 per megawatt hour? My noble friend told your Lordships that recent payments to offshore wind farms under contracts for difference suggest that the real cost may be three times as much, at some £150 per megawatt hour. If that is so, NESO’s report on the Government’s plan to decarbonise the grid by 2030 may need some adjustment.
I still do not understand why the Government choose to subsidise only wind and solar schemes rather than nuclear. If consumers are required to subsidise only intermittent sources of energy, it follows that the total energy mix will be disproportionately dependent on intermittent sources. We need much more nuclear, which should not be seen as an add-on, to ensure that we can keep the lights on when the wind does not blow and the sun does not shine. It should be seen as a core and important part of our firm baseload energy system.
Indeed, we were once global leaders in nuclear power, but we now have a severe shortage of skilled workers with experience in the sector. Those we have are relatively old, and we need to train many more younger workers in nuclear technologies, and rebuild the supply chain. I am talking not just of gigawatt scale large plants like Hinkley Point C and Sizewell C, but small SMRs and AMRs which are flexible and very cost effective. That is why I have added my name to Amendment 61, also in the name of my noble friend Lord Offord. We must ensure that we benefit from the so-called clean energy transition, which is particularly relevant in the case of nuclear technologies. It is right that GBE, as a publicly owned company, should report annually to the Secretary of State on progress in re-establishing supply chains as a strategic priority.
There is not much about nuclear in the Government’s new publication Clean Power 2030 Action Plan, published on 13 December. It refers to GBE’s founding statement published in July. That document explains GBE’s five functions, of which building supply chains in “every corner of the UK” is listed fourth out of five, in two short paragraphs. “Working with GBN” is listed last, in a short single paragraph.
I have also added my name in support of Amendment 63. It is essential that GBE must understand what fulfilling its strategic priorities will cost—otherwise, how can the Secretary of State exercise his powers of direction in a responsible manner? Similarly, Amendment 65 would ensure that GBE must not waste money by investing in schemes that are too far from a grid connection or have no cost-effective access to the grid and no realistic prospect of acquiring one in a timely manner.
I have also added my name to Amendments 69 and 70 in the name of my noble friend, who has eloquently explained to your Lordships the purposes of these amendments: namely, to require GBE to consider carbon emissions from each investment and to do the same in respect of its whole investment portfolio, reporting to Parliament annually. We may not agree on the absolute prioritisation, regardless of cost and damage to our industrial base, of the elimination of all fossil fuels from our energy generation system, but we can all agree that it is a good thing that public money should be spent in such a way that increases clean power at the expense of less clean power—that is, as long as the benefits gained justify the cost. The Committee will have a chance to debate this matter in the next group.
Among the investments that GBE will make, I very much hope there will be some investments in nuclear power schemes, particularly in SMR and AMR technologies. As the Minister told your Lordships in his briefing before Second Reading, he does not expect GBE to make investments in nuclear, at least initially. I think this is because the Government think that it is not possible to deploy any of these new technologies before the 2030 target for clean power. The 13-page press release accompanying the release of the Clean Power 2030 Action Plan contains “nuclear” only once, explaining that the Government’s clean power mission is the solution to this crisis,
“by sprinting to clean, homegrown energy, including renewables and nuclear”.
But the action plan’s sparse references to nuclear comprise only a single reference to the GBN-led SMR programme, and a reference to the extension to the life of the four existing AGR reactors as a stopgap measure. I cannot find any evidence that the authors of the action plan see nuclear as playing much of a role in sprinting to clean energy.
I have also put my name to Amendment 72, which requires an annual report by GBE of its impact on the amount of imported energy. In preparing for this debate on Saturday morning, I took a look at the National Grid’s energy dashboard, which revealed at 10.15 am that we were drawing 14.7% of our electricity from imports, which is too high. Indeed, the name of the Minister’s own department emphasises the importance of energy security. The winter sun was shining brightly, but solar contributed only 4.3% and wind a mere 8.8%, less than the 11.4% generated by our existing, ageing nuclear power stations. Noble Lords will appreciate that the electricity grid accounts for around 20% of total energy consumption, which means that wind power on Saturday morning was supplying around 1.76% of the country’s total energy requirement, and solar less than 1%, even on a sunny day. Overreliance on intermittent energy sources does not help energy security—quite the reverse.
I have added my name to Amendment 80, tabled by my noble friend Lord Petitgas. Of course, it must be right that GBE should be required to produce quarterly accounts and audited accounts annually. As far as the requirements for reports on carbon emissions are concerned, the amendment duplicates Amendments 69 and 70. If the Minister can assure the Committee that the Government will bring their own amendments to satisfy these requirements, I am sure that such duplication can be avoided.
Lastly, I support Amendment 85A in the name of my noble friend Lord Hamilton, which seeks to achieve substantially the same result. Amendment 80 is also necessary to ensure proper scrutiny of GBE’s decision-making process with regard to its investments. Will the Minister explain his view on GBE’s role as a potential investor in joint public and private partnerships?
My Lords, Amendment 74 in this group is in my name. It seeks to ensure, in the creation of GB Energy and the delivery of its objectives, a specific consideration of decarbonisation challenges faced by the 1.7 million households in the UK that are not connected to the gas grid—I declare an interest in that I am one. An awful lot of other people—including many noble Lords opposite, I am sure—are not connected to gas and will have to use electric. The amendment provides for direction to be given to GB Energy to review the decarbonisation challenges that these households face but also, importantly, to consider the solutions that exist to help them do so practically and affordably. They include the value of adopting renewable liquid fuels.
Taking into account the recommendations of GB Energy, the amendment would also require the Secretary of State to implement existing measures within the Energy Act 2023 that would help off-grid households—namely, to hold a consultation on the benefits of introducing a renewable liquid heating fuel obligation or RLHFO. This measure secured all-party support in the last Parliament but has not yet been implemented. I hope that my noble friend will look at this again.
To go into a bit more detail, the challenges facing off-grid households, which are mostly in the countryside, are their existing energy efficiency, location, age and construction. As many noble Lords will understand, this means that these households will face substantial challenges to decarbonise using technology based on electrification. The research undertaken by the department and the Scottish Government shows that installing a heat pump in such a house, including full retrospective costs and the cost of servicing, will cost off-grid homes on average over £21,000, which is unaffordable for many.
I am concerned that there will also be an impact on the local grid. We tend to forget about the local grid. If everything is to be heated by electricity, placing unmanageable pressures on the grid, we need to have a good grid. In the National Grid’s Future Energy Scenarios report, the scenario “Leading the Way” has estimated that to achieve clean power by 2030, 1 million properties in the UK will require a solution other than electric heating, due to the high cost of local networks.
There are probably several solutions, but the one I want to describe briefly is that renewable liquid fuel can make decarbonisation affordable and practical for off-grid consumers, significantly reducing emissions and delivering on the carbon budget. It will help deliver clean power by 2030 and the commitment that no one who does not want to will be forced to remove a boiler.
In Cornwall, where I live, a fuel distributor has successfully created the country’s first renewable liquid fuel village, in the coastal village of Kehelland, converting homes, businesses and the local church and schools to a fuel called HVO. It has been a fantastic success in helping residents to reduce their carbon emissions and allowing them to play their part.
I appreciate that my noble friend’s ministerial colleague in the other place gave evidence on this issue the other week, but she referred to issues of supply and cost to consumers. I was concerned to hear that the department may be delaying the Energy Act consultation. I hope that is not the case, because this consultation needs to go ahead. I know that the industries that support off-grid households found that she said something rather surprising, given that there is clear evidence that should reassure my noble friend and his colleagues.
Great British Energy Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Berkeley
Main Page: Lord Berkeley (Labour - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Berkeley's debates with the Department for Energy Security & Net Zero
(2 weeks, 6 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the speech of the noble Baroness, Lady Liddell, was music to my ears. This really is the missing prince at the ball—the missing element in the whole strategy of reducing emissions in order to curb the violence of climate change, which, after all, is the main purpose of all our endeavours. It is not a secondary purpose, it is the main purpose, and of course it is failing. Emissions are continuing to rise worldwide and the forecasts are very gloomy that they will rise still further. Our own performance has been good in contrast, as one tiny bit of the jigsaw, but overall the aim of reducing emissions is not succeeding. Carbon capture, usage and storage is an area where vast improvements can be made, with real effort to store emissions, such that we no longer have to watch those gloomy monthly or three-monthly figures detailing rising emissions worldwide again and again.
Furthermore, it is admitted, quietly—I think I have heard NESO and other experts say it openly—that carbon capture and storage is an essential part of the 2030 story. Because we have delayed so much—all parties are to blame—and we have not got on with nuclear, which we have allowed to shrink because we dithered on various other technologies, there has been very little advance on carbon capture and storage, but we know that in order to achieve decarbonised electricity by 2030—I think we are talking about the present electricity output, which is one-fifth of our total energy storage, not the whole of an electrified economy—we will need, in order to prevent outages, further gas-generated power. That is not proclaimed very loudly; CGN plants are being contracted for, designed and built to make it possible for there to be reliable and, we hope, affordable energy in 2030, even though it is substantially decarbonised.
That will require an output of carbon of considerable size, which will have to be captured and stored, otherwise the system will not work. The 2030 target is literally unobtainable, unless we have an elaborate expansion of carbon capture and storage for gas-generated electricity, which is an essential part of the pattern for 2030, as it probably is for 2040 and 2050 as well. Domestically, this is a central issue, yet it is hardly mentioned in this discussion or in the Bill.
That is not all; worldwide, the one contribution that this nation could really make through its brilliant technology is in developing cheaper versions of carbon capture and storage. All over Asia, there are coal-driven electric plants belching carbon and smoke, and more are being built at the moment. China has achieved amazing things in reducing its coal-based electricity from 1,900 gigawatts a year down to about 1,000 gigawatts. As we now produce no electricity from coal, which is rather amazing, that is an infinite number of times the amount that we produce. China is down to 1,000 gigawatts, but that is still a vast addition every year and every day—it is producing much more than we do in a year in emissions of carbon dioxide and methane as well.
To deal with the world’s problem, carbon capture and storage is essential, capturing not only carbon emitted when generated from fossil fuels but carbon direct from the atmosphere. Some major projects are being developed around the world on that scale. All these are essential projects to achieve the main aim, which is to lower emissions. If that is the main aim then Great British Energy should surely have a serious role in it.
We should be using the resources of organisations with money to invest in getting the cost down, to the point where it is possible to put some kind of abatement on those 11,000 chimneys and have some control of the carbon to be captured. Can that be done in the next stages? Of the countries concerned, one is talking mainly about the United States, where it can be done; China, where they are trying to do it; and India, where they are trying hard but not succeeding at all. They need the engineering skills to install carbon capture and storage, once we have developed systems which are cheaper and more economic. There is a whole new programme there to be developed. Is it being developed and invested in? Is this organisation looking at it? We have not had a single word from the Government—not a word—on the idea that this should be a major part of the story.
The noble Baroness, Lady Liddell, is totally right that this should of course be a major part of the story. I fear that, as with so many parts of the endeavour to get to a green transition, we are losing sight of the main purpose, which is reducing emissions. This nation is superbly equipped to contribute on that front, but not necessarily by itself subsidising more and more low-carbon electricity for our own purposes. We should go that way but not push it too fast, because if we do that then we will slow things down.
If we are to contribute to the world’s efforts on this, which are failing and going backwards at the moment, and to make more progress, we must turn to carbon capture and storage. Why is there no mention of it in the Bill? Please can it go in, through this amendment or in other ways that the Government choose, to indicate that we are serious about reducing emissions and not just about the virtuous side of clean energy, which is very nice and very important but not the main aim?
My Lords, my Amendment 35 is about the renewable liquid heating fuel obligation, which is something we debated in Committee. I thank my noble friend the Minister for spending time with us and understanding the problems of some of the people who operate in this field. I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Bruce, for his support.
This issue affects 4 million people in this country, and about 250,000 businesses, who are off the gas grid and therefore generally rely on heating oil, as I do in the countryside—I declare an interest. These are big businesses and they are no more complicated than other similar systems, but it is a question of whether the renewable fuel obligation could be applied, so that it would be easier for people to continue to use fuel oil with this addition, rather than having to spend a lot of money converting to some other means, which I know has been debated at length.