Bangladesh

John Hemming Excerpts

Thursday 16th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Richard Fuller]

The chair of the all-party group makes a powerful point that adds to this picture of a sequence of actions that were impacting on political and everyday society in Bangladesh. It was the responsibility of the Government of the day to handle and manage that, but they failed to do so. With the elections and the situation in Bangladesh, a clear thread can be drawn through all activities and actions up to the present day.

[John Hemming (Birmingham, Yardley) (LD)]

On the point about the war crimes tribunals, when representatives of the Awami League in Birmingham came to see me, I made the point that they were responsible for the rules that enabled the death penalty to be used for an Opposition politician. It is clear that that fits within the pattern that has been put forward by the hon. Gentleman.

[Richard Fuller]

I appreciate that intervention from my hon. Friend.

The fourth aspect that the House needs to consider is the issue of the caretaker Government system, which other Members have mentioned. My hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti) said that that works in other countries. It is perfectly legitimate for countries to determine how they want to handle their own elections, and it is not for the House to tell another country how it should handle its elections, but it is certainly a responsibility of this House to say how effective those systems are in maintaining and promoting democracy, because we have an interest in promoting freedom and democracy around the world, and certainly in countries that are fellow members of the Commonwealth.

The all-party group has persistently called on the current Government in Bangladesh to install a caretaker Government system. Again, the decision was taken by the Government, not the Opposition. The Opposition leader wanted to see that system, but it was the Government who refused to introduce it—there was an obstinate refusal to accept the caretaker Government system. We did not need to have the wisdom of Solomon to understand where we were heading two years ago into this election, and to know that if Bangladesh did not have a caretaker Government system, it would end up in its present situation. That, again, is a responsibility of the current Government in Bangladesh.

[John Hemming]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Richard Fuller]

I will not, as I know that other Members wish to speak.

My final point is about political arrests and detentions. In circumstances in which there were just one or two instances, and if they were connected to a particular crime, a functioning democracy could operate an election—that can work. However, if such a thing is persistent and not tied to a particular criminal act, and if the leader of a political party is detained in their own home, how on earth can an effective election be held? People might say that locking up some of our political leaders here might help our election chances—my hon. Friends might think it could help them in the 2015 election. Seriously, however, how on earth can we believe that the international community is going to say that there has been a free and fair election if the leader of the leading opposition party is not permitted to leave her own home?

These are a series of indictments against the current Bangladesh Government: the failure to secure and limit the extra-judicial killing by the Rapid Action Battalion; the failure to follow up the disappearances of a wide range of people involved in politics; the tainting of what should have been war crimes trials that could have brought the country together; the obstinate refusal to permit a caretaker Government; and the arrest and detention of political opponents.

Let me finally talk about some actions that I would like to see. It is appropriate for the Department for International Development to review its expenditure in Bangladesh, but I urge the Minister to ensure that our response to the political turmoil in Bangladesh does not harm the interests of ordinary Bengalis who need support through the alleviation of poverty. Secondly, despite what I have said, I urge the UK Government to continue to work with the Government of Bangladesh to pursue a solution to the current turmoil. Four steps are required, however: the full release of political detainees; the installation of a caretaker Government; the disbanding of the Rapid Action Battalion and an external investigation into its activities; and more work and more investment from the UK to strengthen business and trade with Bangladesh, in order to promote entrepreneurship and the growth of business, because that can be the strongest bulwark in the defence of freedom in countries around the world. If we can achieve those four things, they will provide a more effective transition to a peaceful future and a new election in Bangladesh than hoping that somehow, after decades of hostility, the two political leaders themselves will miraculously come up with the solution through discussions.

--- Later in debate ---

[Jim Fitzpatrick]

That is a genuine concern. The right balance must be struck in regard to political freedom and the free expression of ideas through democracy, argument and reasoning, and the possible defeat of those ideas at the ballot box. Jamaat has not been prohibited in Bangladesh, although it has been accused of being a terrorist organisation. One would oppose the ambition of some in Bangladesh to create an Islamist republic, but I understand that it is something that some people want. However, they form a tiny minority. In the last election, I think Jamaat got less than 4% of the popular vote. That demonstrates Bangladesh’s great support for its democracy and its secularism.

I do not think that the political parties in Bangladesh need to be frightened or provoked by Jamaat, or stampeded by it. Arguments can be made that will beat it through the electoral process. The BNP has been in alliance with it, and many commentators are calling on that party to dissociate itself from Jamaat in order to create more political space. I understand that, historically, the Awami League had an alliance with Jamaat. These days, however, Jamaat is putting forward a much clearer political point of view, and the main parties should all dissociate themselves from it and let it stand on its own two feet.

[John Hemming]

I endorse what the hon. Gentleman and my hon. Friend the Member for Bedford (Richard Fuller) have said so far. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that, in order to build trust and ensure that there are fresh elections, the institution of a caretaker Government will be necessary?

[Jim Fitzpatrick]

I believe that the calls for new elections are premature at this point. Holding elections immediately would only play into the hands of those who have tried to sabotage the recent ones. The international community has a job to do in stabilising relations within Bangladesh, in giving support to the BNP and the Awami League, and in creating a climate in which elections can take place. I cannot see the Awami League staying in power for a full five-year term; that would be against the spirit of what has happened so far, and against the spirit of what has been said in the Chamber today. It will be very difficult to get to a situation in which elections can take place, however.