Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

John Healey Excerpts

Wednesday 20th March 2013 Commons Chamber

[John Healey (Wentworth and Dearne) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to follow the right hon. Member for Wokingham (Mr Redwood). He has become something of a regular fixture on the first day of the Budget debates during the years I have been in the House. I shall start by agreeing with him about the importance of certain exemptions from the climate change levy. I have the honour of representing a steel area in Rotherham. Steel is one of this country’s strategic industries, and the Chancellor’s announcement today will be very welcome in my constituency. It will help to secure the industry for the future, and I hope that it will also help to secure extra investment from Tata Steel.

[Angela Smith (Penistone and Stocksbridge) (Lab)]

Will the announcement not also help important ceramics industries such as Naylor Industries in Barnsley, and Hepworth’s?

[John Healey]

It will indeed. This is a result of strong cross-party campaigning by Members including my hon. Friend the Member for Penistone and Stocksbridge (Angela Smith) and me.

I also welcome the Chancellor’s decision to axe the beer duty escalator. I pay particular tribute to the Economic Secretary to the Treasury for his hand in that. In fact, the escalator was introduced in 2008 for a four-year term. It should have ended last year, but instead of ending it, the Chancellor extended it. I am glad that he has seen sense and realised that we have hit the revenue maximisation point at which the tax rate had gone up, but the tax take had started to go down. I welcome that: it will be a boost for the brewing industry, which is a great British industry, and it will be a boost for the pubs, too.

[Greg Mulholland (Leeds North West) (LD)]

I would like to thank the right hon. Gentleman and all the other members of the parliamentary save the pub group for their support in this campaign. I would also like to echo what was said about the Economic Secretary being a Minister who listened—I warmly thank him for that. Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that this shows that the Government are listening and realised that the beer duty escalator was damaging investment and growth opportunities? Hopefully, we will see growth coming back to the brewing sector, which will have a knock-on effect for pubs.

[John Healey]

That was exactly the case that I, the hon. Gentleman and others were making—that the escalator was damaging investment, damaging jobs, damaging pubs, damaging the British brewing industry and that it had even started to damage tax revenues. This afternoon’s decision is therefore sensible and welcome.

The right hon. Member for Wokingham made an important point in the middle of his speech, when he said that the problem of tax revenues was at the heart of the Chancellor’s fiscal problem. The right hon. Gentleman acknowledged that it was partly about growth. It certainly is, and I would argue that he underestimates the extent to which it is about growth. The big gap in the Chancellor’s record to date—and, to an extent, the Budget announcements today—remains that we have a growth crisis without having a growth plan.

When the Chancellor first took office nearly three years ago, unemployment was falling, the economy was recovering and we had had growth of 1.9% in the final year of the last Labour Government. That is the baseline from which the Chancellor has now given us four Budgets, four fiscal reports, four economic forecasts—with each one worse than the last. Since his first Budget plan in June 2010, debt is up, borrowing is up, we have lost our triple A credit rating, the economy has flatlined and we have had the first double-dip recession for 40 years.

Five years after the recklessness of bankers brought the global financial system close to collapse and drove a worldwide downturn and three years after this Chancellor took control, our UK gross domestic product is still 3% lower than it was at the start of that global crisis. So, our economy is smaller, weaker, making less, earning less and contributing less in revenues to the public finances. Other major countries such as Germany or the US have made up the ground they lost during that global financial crisis—we have failed.

[Meg Hillier]

Does my right hon. Friend agree with me that it is entirely perverse for the Department for Communities and Local Government to suggest that offices should become homes and thereby not provide space for businesses to grow, which would help to boost the economy in the way we agree is needed?

[John Healey]

I have to say to my hon. Friend that there is sometimes a case for changing the historical land use, but that is a decision that very much needs to be taken locally. It will certainly not work if it is dictated by the Department for Communities and Local Government.

To deal with a deficit, which is what we face—whether it be for a country or a family—we must control spending, as the Chancellor said, but if we cut income at the same time, that makes it much harder to close that gap. That is why growth is so vital to a proper balanced plan for the country’s finances. That is why the Chancellor is now further from his fiscal targets than he was before the Budget.

The Prime Minister has tried to claim that the depressed growth has nothing to do with the Government. The independent Office for Budget Responsibility, he told us, is

“absolutely clear that the deficit reduction plan is not responsible; in fact, quite the opposite.”

Next day, a letter from the chairman of the OBR indeed confirmed the opposite, saying

“for the avoidance of doubt”

that the OBR operates

“the widely held assumption that tax increases and spending cuts reduce economic growth.”

In other words, the Chancellor has cut too far, too fast, killed the recovery and choked off growth.

There is good reason to believe that the OBR has underestimated and is underestimating the impact of fiscal policy on growth—the fiscal multipliers. Its estimates to date have been based on the International Monetary Fund figures, which estimate a 0.5% fiscal multiplier, 0.3% for changes in personal taxation and 1% for infrastructure and capital spending. The IMF has recently changed its estimates—up from 0.5% to a range between 0.9% and 1.7%. In other words, the impact of fiscal policy, the potential of the fiscal multiplier and of Government action and Government investment might be much greater than we have been led to believe.

At a time when consumer and business confidence is rock bottom and companies and households are cutting back and not spending, the Government must be ready to do more. They must be ready to invest alongside the private sector and they must, yes, be ready to borrow to help the country through tough times. Borrowing is bad when the repayments are not affordable or if it is done to cover day-to-day spending or indeed a shortfall between income and expenditure. That is why the Government’s planned borrowing bill has been ballooning, but borrowing can be good. It is good if it is for investment to improve infrastructure or the productive capacity of the economy or if it is to create jobs, revive growth and generate the tax revenue that is so sorely lacking.

Companies would borrow to take advantage of an opportunity to increase their earnings and profitability. Companies would never say, “We can borrow to invest only if we can cover the cost entirely by cutting the cost of our operations.” Households would do the same thing if, for example, borrowing to buy a car meant that it was possible to take up better-paid work, or if taking out a mortgage was cheaper than paying a private rent. In those circumstances, households would be daft not to borrow.

[Mr Redwood]

Given that this Government are planning to borrow £120 billion a year for each of three years, or £10 billion a month, how much extra does the right hon. Gentleman think it would be a good idea to add to that amount?

[John Healey]

There is an interesting example of a proposal, which I have backed, to allow local government to borrow more by removing the cap from the newly localised housing revenue account. We have heard about families borrowing prudently, but local government does borrow prudently, as its average level of debt is less than 5%. The Chancellor told us that the national Government’s net debt is 75%. We are talking about £7 billion, loosening the cap, and 15,000 new council homes—not just for this year, as the Chancellor has announced, but every year for the next five years. That is the sort of borrowing we could do to invest, to promote jobs, to promote growth and to bring in tax revenues, helping to deal with the deficit in a proper and balanced way.

If we want to move the dial on GDP growth when the economy is weak, it is Government investment—not simply private sector investment—that is needed. When the economy is weak, we need more public investment; yes, it will increase debt, but it will also increase output and growth. Even the Chancellor recognised, when he delivered his first Budget, that the last Tory Government had cut capital investment too far, yet the Office for Budget Responsibility has shown that for the first three years of this Parliament, capital spending fell year on year—it is now £12.8 billion lower than Labour planned. Even the £3.5 billion of extra investment that the Chancellor has announced today will not be for this year or next year, but in three years’ time—too little, too late.

I would argue that, after three years of economic policy failure, the balance of economic advantage lies decisively in Government borrowing to invest and build. Borrowing for those purposes can be good borrowing. There is a difference: not all borrowing is bad borrowing. Interest rates on public debt are at an historic low, so now is exactly the right time for government, both national and local, to borrow for that investment. An open advocacy of the means, not just the ends, is overdue.

The Chancellor has confirmed in his Budget that his economic plan is failing, but he has also confirmed that he is sticking to that plan. We need a change. We need a change of policy, we need a change of Chancellor, and yes, we need a change of Government.

--- Later in debate ---

[John Healey]

The hon. Gentleman has said that he welcomes a single pot. Is that not exactly what the regional development agencies had, including the south-west RDA? They had a single pot with no strings attached from the centre, and decisions on the spending of that pot were made in the regions, for the regions. Was it not a mistake to abolish the RDAs and then to wait three years before reintroducing that important flexible funding arrangement?

[Stephen Williams]

The right hon. Gentleman is one of the most thoughtful Members of the Opposition, but on this occasion I must respectfully disagree with him. My experience in Bristol suggests that no one misses the south-west regional development agency, but everyone in the greater Bristol area recognises the extraordinarily good work done by the West of England local enterprise partnership. [Interruption.] I hear a chorus of agreement from my west midlands colleagues, including my hon. Friend the Member for Solihull (Lorely Burt). It seems that the experience is the same in that area.

We want to rebalance the economy, away from the south-east and to our city regions, and also—as was pointed out by my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge (Dr Huppert)—to decarbonise the economy. I want to raise an issue that has not been the subject of much comment, but which I know is tucked away among the Budget details. I think that we should consider how we can provide further incentives for the setting up of social enterprises around the country in order to produce sustainable micro-growth in all our communities, and devise innovative ways of bringing people into business on a not-for-profit basis. That would contribute to a fairer society as well, but the biggest contribution to a fairer society that any Government can make is putting more money into people’s own pockets and purses, so that they can decide for themselves how to spend the money for which they have worked so hard.

At the last general election, all my Liberal Democrat colleagues stood on the basis of their No. 1 priority: the delivery of £10,000 of tax-free pay by whatever Government we were to become a part. That promise will have been delivered in full by April 2014. During his speech today, the Leader of the Opposition urged people to put their hands up in favour of a different tax measure, but 24 million people around the country will be able to put their hands up and say, “I am receiving a tax cut because of this coalition Government, and, in particular, because of the Liberal Democrat participation in that coalition Government.”

Since we came to office, the personal allowance has risen by £3,525. That is an increase of more than 50% in the amount of money that people can take home without income tax being deducted from it. A total of 2.7 million people will have been taken out of tax altogether, and £700 of extra income will land in the pockets and purses of 24.5 million workers up and down the country. That is an extraordinary achievement on the part of the coalition Government, and I am very proud of the role that my own party has played in developing a tax change that is a landmark in the history of our country.

A young person working on the minimum wage has already been lifted out of the income tax net altogether. Members should contrast that with the lamentable record of the Labour party, which introduced the 10p tax rate and then abolished it in order to fund a tax cut for people who were earning much more. Despite what Labour Members say now, Labour’s record in office was one of cutting taxes for the wealthy and raising them for the poorest. The coalition is doing the reverse of that.

We are also delivering further help for families up and down the country who are trying to balance their budgets. Many of my colleagues, particularly those representing rural seats—the Chancellor referred to my hon. Friend the Member for Argyll and Bute (Mr Reid) earlier—will welcome the fact that a fuel duty increase planned by the previous Government has been cancelled, yet again. I say, speaking for myself, that we cannot go on doing this indefinitely; I would prefer us to be much more radical and to scrap fuel duty altogether. It is an extremely blunt instrument of taxation that is long past its sell-by date, and a more economically sensible system of road-user pricing in the long term should replace it.

In pubs and clubs up and down the country, including the Prince of Wales in Gloucester road in my constituency, people will be raising a glass to the Chancellor tonight for the cancellation of another duty escalator—that on beer. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Leeds North West (Greg Mulholland), who has badgered me and everyone else involved in this area for the past two and a half years to try to do something to get rid of it.