Country of Origin Marking (Manufactured Goods)

Debate between Jim Shannon and Tristram Hunt

Wednesday 27th February 2013 Commons Chamber

[Tristram Hunt (Stoke-on-Trent Central) (Lab)]

You can rest easy now, Mr Deputy Speaker. After all that gobbledegook about Basel III and socially dubious uses of money, we can return to the subject of the real economy. It is a great privilege to have secured this important Adjournment debate.

The issue of countries of origin and the right of consumers to know where goods, foods and materials emanate from is particularly important at present, as we battle with the ongoing horsemeat crisis. Indeed, that scandal is a textbook example of the need for clarity of information on sourcing, but what my colleagues and I wish to address this evening is origin marking in the ceramics industry, and especially the issue of what we call bogus back-stamping—the misleading allocation of country of origin details, designed to confuse the consumer.

It is said that we can always recognise a Stokie by their feverish examination of the back-stamp on any cup, saucer, plate or bowl. I am talking about the celebrated “turnover club”, as the plate is whisked over to examine the mark of origin—although I must add that there are some etiquette issues as to when we can do that when eating out.

I am glad to say that we have some excellent Stoke ware here in the Palace of Westminster. We have Wedgwood plates, some fine Dudson cups—from the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent North (Joan Walley)—and if you were to join me for a cup of tea in my office, Mr Deputy Speaker, you would find some beautiful Emma Bridgewater mugs and Portmeirion cups and saucers.

It is a source of great pride to our constituents that pottery has been thrown in Stoke-on-Trent since the late-1500s. Out of the blue and yellow North Staffs clay came butter pots and flowerpots. In the sun kilns of Bagnall and Penkhull, local artisans started to glaze their earthenware and develop a reputation for craftsmanship. In their wake came the great houses of Wedgwood, Spode, Royal Doulton and Minton, names celebrated around the world for the excellence of their craftsmanship. Stoke-on-Trent gained the title “The Potteries” as “Made in Staffordshire” became a global hallmark of excellence.

When J. B. Priestley visited Stoke-on-Trent in the mid-1930s, he was taken aback by the beauty of the bottle kilns. He wrote:

“They represent the very heart and soul of the district…unless you are prepared to take a deep and lasting interest in what happens inside those ovens, it would be better for you to take the first train anywhere.”

Today, we make a lot of other stuff in Stoke, but the good news is that, after decades of decline, the pottery industry is roaring back to life: investment is up; orders are coming in; the kilns are alight; jobs are coming back from the far east; and we are all looking forward—as is the entire nation—to a successful royal birth this summer, with attendant ceramic sales. The key to success is the quality of our artists and designers, the new plant and equipment, and the artisan skills of the work force, which means it is more important than ever that consumers are able clearly to know what they are buying.

This is the problem we face: if a mug is made in Indonesia or Thailand, it can be transported into the UK and then have the word “England” stamped on the bottom of it. Similarly, if a mug is made in Vietnam or Turkey and then finished in England, it can have “Made in England” or “Made in Britain” stamped on the bottom. That is what we call bogus back-stamping—the wrongful attribution of country of origin labelling—and it is harming jobs and investment in the UK, and especially in Stoke-on-Trent. More than that, morally, it is trading off the skills, sweat and application of generations of Stoke-on-Trent workers, who turned the “Made in Staffordshire” brand into a world-class mark of excellence.

I have no problem with goods being made abroad and finished in the UK. This is not about protectionism. In a globalised marketplace, the supply chain will often cover many different continents. Many hundreds of jobs in the ceramics industry involve production abroad and finishing in the UK, and the companies concerned are often good firms that do the right thing. However, what I and my colleagues do have a problem with is goods that are made abroad being classed as being made in Staffordshire or Stoke-on-Trent, when they are not.

The rules are very clear. As you know, Mr Deputy Speaker, European Union directive 2025/73 states that it is the so-called ”blank”—where the first firing of the ceramics takes place—that determines the origin of the ware, irrespective of subsequent processes, such as finishing, decorating or glazing. It is about the first firing, and if that takes place in Jakarta, the product is Indonesian-made and should not have “England” stamped on the bottom.

For years, UK Governments of both parties—of all parties now—have opposed the compulsory indication of the country of origin of goods. Lord Mandelson attempted to introduce such a scheme in 2005 when he was the European Union Trade Commissioner, whereby there would be mandatory country of origin marking on certain products imported from third countries.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Tristram Hunt]

I am happy to give way.

[Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)]

Jim Shannon!

--- Later in debate ---

[Jim Shannon]

I appreciate that, and you are very gracious, Mr Deputy Speaker. The hon. Gentleman has spoken eloquently about the issue in Staffordshire and England. This is a devolved matter for Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, but does he feel that we need a UK-wide policy and strategy, and legislative change that would include the whole United Kingdom—Great Britain and Northern Ireland—so we could fight this issue together for all these reasons?

[Tristram Hunt]

I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman’s intervention. This issue, be it, famously, about Scottish knitwear made in Morocco or goods unique to Northern Ireland which are made somewhere else and then passed off—

[Jim Shannon]

Giant’s causeway.

[Tristram Hunt]

Giant’s causeway is an excellent example, although it would be hard to make another Giant’s causeway in other parts of the world. As I will set out, this is an issue where we want central Government direction but then for things to be implemented locally. We want the push from the centre but for the approach to be rolled out to the devolved Administrations, and I agree with what the hon. Gentleman said in his intervention.

The attempt to introduce mandatory country of origin marking has not worked. After seven years of trying, it was dropped in the European Commission and I fear we will not have it back again. So I am not making a case this evening for reviving mandatory country of origin marking. Instead, I wish to make the case for focusing on those companies that are misleading consumers on country of origin claims.

History Teaching

Debate between Jim Shannon and Tristram Hunt

Tuesday 10th January 2012 Westminster Hall

[Tristram Hunt]

The hon. Gentleman makes a very good point. We all know that inspired and inspiring teachers are key. With numeracy and literacy over the past 10 years, it seems that in certain circumstances teachers got bored and that children could sense it. If teachers are not inspired and children are not inspired by them, we do not get the learning, and we need much more focus on ensuring that teachers are inspired and that they are up to date with the latest scholarship and understand progression.

In Stoke-on-Trent, I would like to get Keele and Staffordshire universities together with the local teachers to ensure that the latter are up to date with the scholarship and are still inspired by it. As my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff West (Kevin Brennan) said, if a teacher is inspiring—as he was in his classroom—the children come alive, and are passionate and interested in the subject.

I will end here because I know that many other Members want to speak, and I apologise for doing so, because I have to meet a constituent later this morning. I am still in two minds about the push towards compulsory history to 16. I have an open mind about it. We risk damaging interest in pursuing the subject if we make it compulsory for huge swathes of children who are simply not interested. That will affect learning in the classroom.

I appreciate the broader issue about history’s role in citizenship. I also understand the point about learning and over-learning certain elements of our national past, such as the Third Reich and dictators. That has much to do with the commerce of education. Once we have history textbooks and the machinery of learning, it is difficult to get out of the rut of learning and teaching the same things over and again. It is challenging to get undergraduates who are almost trauma victims, having studied the Third Reich three times, to appreciate broader European or British history.

[Jim Shannon]

When I was at school, I had the opportunity to learn Irish history, which is probably most unusual for a person from a Unionist tradition. It did not make me any less of a Unionist; indeed, it cemented my Unionism and made me stronger in my beliefs. That is an example. I learned something else, but remained a Unionist.

[Tristram Hunt]

Those of us who are privileged to have read W. E. H. Lecky’s “A History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century” will know that, although we might think that studying the history of Ireland will push us one way, it can take us in a very different direction.

I conclude by paying tribute to the hon. Member for Kingswood for his research and for bringing the matter to national prominence. Class and social division are an issue. We must ensure that schools in disadvantaged communities and areas allow their pupils the opportunity to study history in all its wonderful manifestations.