(4 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberI am happy to reassure the residents of Ashfield and beyond that reducing poverty will be at the beating heart of the FCDO. That is why we are committed to the Independent Commission for Aid Impact; that is why the Foreign Secretary has appointed Nick Dyer as the first ever envoy on famine prevention and humanitarian affairs; and that is why we have allocated a new £119 million package to look at the threat of the coronavirus and of famine more generally across the bottom billion.
(5 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberLet me gently say to the hon. Gentleman that one thing that will lead to unrest and unhappiness is the ignoring of the public and the referendum result. However, we continue to work with the police and the Army in the normal way.
Let me start by thanking my hon. Friend, who does not seem to be in the Chamber—[Hon. Members: “He is in the Chamber.”] I apologise. That was in no way an insult to my hon. Friend’s height or presence. I congratulate him on his work in the Justice Committee.
The Government are committed to maintaining, over time, the growth in the United Kingdom’s £4.4 billion trade surplus in legal services, and that includes setting the right framework in future trade negotiations.
There is always more than one way to be overlooked.
Does the Minister accept that, at present, the United Kingdom has the second largest market in legal services in the world and the largest in the European Union? That is because of the unparalleled access that British lawyers currently have to EU legal markets under the appropriate directives. Does the Minister recognise that if we are to avoid the 10% hit that the Law Society estimates would be taken by this country’s income from its legal services in the event of a no-deal Brexit, we must not only preserve maximum access to those markets, but develop a comprehensive strategy across all Departments to market British legal services as a world centre of excellence elsewhere?
I fully agree with my hon. Friend. Given that 6.5% of global legal services pass through the United Kingdom and three out of 15 top firms are based internationally in the UK, it is essential for us to work on a cross-departmental basis. The Legal Services are GREAT campaign is a good example of this ambitious programme. Since its launch in Singapore in October 2017, it has operated in more than 30 countries, with trade missions to Kazakhstan, China, Chile and Nigeria. Those missions are very effective, and they will continue.
I agree with the hon. Gentleman. It is disappointing that more has not been taken on from the pre-legislative scrutiny. Otherwise, what is the point of having it? However, the Government have been right to resist the obvious temptation to tag too many things on to the Bill. There is a balancing act to be done, but some kind of enabling legislation in the Bill would allow the tinkering to take place later and with more consultation.
Customers should be allowed to choose what they want to do and where they want to do it. Customer choice is moving in favour of gambling in casinos and the legislation should not stand in the way of that. In many ways, the new clause is deregulatory.
My hon. Friend is making a powerful case. I hope that the Minister listens to it sympathetically. His experience corresponds to my experience of speaking to organisations in my constituency that deal with the problem of gambling. It is much better if gambling happens in a regulated environment. Does he agree that his approach is consistent with the approach that the Government have adopted in promoting drinking in pubs because they are a safe and controlled environment in which to indulge in a practice that is lawful, but that can be abused? It is better to do such things in a controlled environment than at home.
My hon. Friend draws a strong parallel and teases out the point that if something is done in the open in society, there is greater protection than if it is done in private, whether it be drinking or gambling.
The Minister has been exceptional in listening to the concerns that have been raised. There has been a strong dialogue with the industry and the Culture, Media and Sport Committee. I hope that she reflects on the debate and is able to assist us. The ideal response would be for her to say that new clause 1 is absolutely perfect and fabulously crafted, that there are no errors whatsoever, and that the Government are desperately thankful for all our work and will accept it immediately. I suspect that that will not be the case. It is not normal practice for a lowly Back Bencher to craft a perfect amendment that takes all points into consideration.
If the new clause is flawed, perhaps the Minister will consider bringing forward a consultation on the issue and setting a time scale for it. It would be unsatisfactory if consultation was offered, but it did not happen for several years and the report sat on the shelf for several months afterwards. In addition to considering a timed consultation, will she go into a bit more detail about what will happen if the consultation shows that the substance of the new clause is needed? We will not have another gambling Bill in the next couple of years, so if primary legislation is required, it needs to go into this Bill. That might not happen today, but it could happen in another place. There is significant concern in the industry that there is no mechanism for making this change through secondary legislation if a consultation shows that it is the right change to make.
I look forward to hearing the Minister’s comments. I will be happy if she restricts herself to commenting on the Bill, rather than my shopping habits. I thank hon. Members for their help in drafting the clause and for their support.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberI must confess that my view on that has shifted somewhat. I was initially sceptical about cross-county boundary pooling, because of the potential administrative complexities involved. For example, we would have to consider how to deal with the tier split where two-tier areas were involved. It might be easier to achieve where only adjoining unitaries were involved. We should not rule it out totally, however. It is important to recognise that the proposal that we are debating fits into the broader localism agenda, in that it recognises that economic geography might not follow the purely administrative geography of an area. I am in favour of maximum flexibility, and my hon. Friend has raised a good example. In my area, Bromley would probably fall within the area of Greater London, but there are some local authorities on the edge of London, such as Thurrock, Slough and Watford, whose economic geography would make them as much a part of the London economic area as of the shire county of which they are a part. I hope that the Government will consider this as an option, provided that the technical issues can be resolved. Perhaps the Minister will deal in detail with the important point that my hon. Friend has just raised.
It is particularly useful to explore that point in the context of the pool providing an opportunity to raise funding for infrastructure investment. Earlier this week, in our debate on the Public Service Pensions Bill, we discussed raising the cap on the amount of local authority pension funds that could be put into infrastructure investment. I favour raising the cap, as the Bill proposes. The proposal before us today would provide yet another means of raising revenue streams that could be put together to enhance the amount of a local authority’s investment leverage.
It is worth bearing it in mind that that happens elsewhere in Europe. We see a degree of it in the Federal Republic of Germany, but the area that I know best is in France. The French have developed quite sophisticated models of co-operation, known as communautés urbaines. They are generally similar to a Greater Manchester-style joint authority, stretching across a conurbation. An example that I know well is that of greater Toulouse, which, thanks to the pooling of resources, has been able to procure, invest and deliver infrastructure jointly. This has led to the development of a metro system in Toulouse, a tramway going out to the suburbs and improved road links to Blagnac airport. Toulouse is an historic city with a considerable learning pool in the centre, but it is also inextricably linked to Aérospatiale and the avionics industries around Blagnac, which are outside the municipal boundary. I am reminded that such co-operation was the logic behind local enterprise partnerships.
My hon. Friend knows my constituency well. I see parallels between his examples and the expansion of Southend airport, which is owned by Southend unitary authority but located in the district of Rochford. How would the proposals impact on my constituents? It sounds as though they could present an exciting opportunity.
I am quite well acquainted with my hon. Friend’s constituency, and I have visited Southend airport on a number of occasions. He has provided a classic example of how pooling could unlock significant opportunities. As he knows, Southend’s boundaries are tightly drawn around its urban area, but it is clearly part of a broader south Essex conurbation. Its development opportunities, of which the airport is an example, lie almost entirely outside its boundary, but people would think of them as being part of Southend because they form part of the economic area. It would cause all manner of upheaval if we were to resolve the problems through the top-down imposition of a unitary structure in south-east Essex, as we have seen happen elsewhere.
Before my hon. Friend rushes on to his next point, may I slow him down a little and draw him back to the pooling of funds? He has spoken eloquently about my constituency of Rochford and Southend East, but does he think that areas involved in such pooling arrangements need to be contiguous? For example, there are many synergies between Thurrock, a unitary, and Southend, another unitary. The two are close, but they do not actually touch. Similarly, along the Thames Gateway line, we see places such as Margate and other seaside towns that could work well together even though they are not neighbours. Would they still be able to pool?
That is taking the argument beyond what I was considering when I left office, which gave me more time to reflect on these matters. My hon. Friend and I both had a little time to reflect over the summer. Like me, he has been putting it to constructive use. I think there is merit in providing that option: why not? If the economic geography is such that the two areas hang together, why should we rule out such a possibility? In this day and age, investment decisions will be driven precisely by factors such as economic characteristics, infrastructure opportunities and the nature of the work force and the market, rather than by geographic contiguity alone.
I mentioned earlier, for example, that Slough has a great deal in common with the economy of west London, without being actually contiguous to the London borough of Hillingdon. As I recall, a little bit of the county of Berkshire is located between the two. If such arrangements were wanted, merit could be seen in allowing Slough to enter into a pool with Hillingdon, with some other west London authorities or with Watford. Equally, going in the other direction, Slough might want to involve Reading. There is an argument for saying that there is a natural economic geography that starts almost at the Hammersmith flyover and which goes out through Brentford and then through what is generally called silicon valley. Those opportunities are also important.
I note that the hon. Gentleman has both read them and counted them. Anyway, I cannot pretend to have read all of Lord Heseltine’s tour de force of a report, but the cursory reading that time allowed me while I was preparing my brief notes for the debate—[Laughter]—did give me a flavour of that helpful and valuable document. I think that it contains much that we, as a Government, would wish to take on board. As for the specific point raised by the hon. Gentleman in relation to recommendation 11, I do not agree with it, for reasons that I have already given. I believe that an imposed form of unitary restructuring is unnecessary, and that the devices and tools given to local authorities by the amendment reinforce the reasons for not following the route proposed by Lord Heseltine.
My hon. Friend the Member for Bedford (Richard Fuller) described himself as a novice. I am less modest—I thought that I understood the amendment before I came into the Chamber—but, despite the eloquence of my hon. Friend the Member for Bromley and Chislehurst (Robert Neill), I have become somewhat confused. Perhaps you will allow me a slightly lengthy intervention, Mr Deputy Speaker, in order to avoid a lengthy speech from me later in the debate.
The “Commentary on Lords amendments” in the explanatory notes refers to “billing authorities” and “precepting authorities”. My hon. Friend has already referred to planning authorities and highways authorities. In fact, the commentary uses the phrase “major precepting authorities”, but does not explain what “major” means in this context. Perhaps I am slightly sensitive about such terms because I represent a slightly smaller precepting authority, but is a distinction being made between parish and district councils, or between major and minor precepting authorities? My hon. Friend knows a great deal more about these matters than I do, but I was equally confused by the reference to billing authorities, given that police and fire authorities are effectively billing authorities. What do those terms actually mean?
My hon. Friend makes a fair point. You will be familiar, Mr Deputy Speaker, with a joke that is well known in local government finance circles. It is said that the formula grant is like the Schleswig-Holstein question. Only three people have ever understood it; one is dead, one has gone mad, and the third has forgotten. The same is true of some of the complexities of local government finance. When I arrived at the Department for Communities and Local Government, I was not wholly convinced that that was a joke, but there were some very sound officials who put me right on all occasions.
The nomenclature to which my hon. Friend refers is slightly historic, but it is important. For practical purposes, the billing authority will be the unitary authority in the case of the Southend part of my his constituency, and the district council in the Rochford part. In most cases the major precepting authority is a county council. In Greater London, in my case, the London borough of Bromley is the billing authority, but the Mayor of London and the Greater London authority is the major preceptor. I think fire and police authorities also count as major precepting authorities. That is because of how they have developed and become separated from the county councils, although they were originally intended to be part of them.
Let me finish the point, and if I am not making it clear, perhaps I will need to repeat it.
The major preceptors have certain statutory rights in respect of consultation, and they do more or less what its says on the tin: they deliver a significant amount of services, especially in county councils, and in two-tier areas the county council precept will often be the largest part of the bill, rather than the district council element of the council tax, although they are, of course, itemised separately.
My hon. Friend is endeavouring to explain the situation, but I am now less convinced that I support the amendment. The explanatory notes refer to passing a proportion of the amount to the major precepting authorities. Will that be in only one direction, so Southend could pass to Essex county council, but Essex could not pass to Southend even if it was in the wider county’s interest?
That point is slightly different from the pooling point. I was talking about the provisions that deal with the tier splits. We are returning some of the moneys—the business rate—directly to local government. That was formerly taken by the Treasury and distributed by formula grant. Some of those moneys will be needed to fund district council functions in two-tier areas, and some will be needed to fund county council functions in two-tier areas.
That highlights why there has to be a passing of money. It is collected by the billing authority; that is the case at the moment. Southend borough council and Rochford district council collect all the business rates and then have to send the money to central Government as, I think, a monthly payment. It is then returned in the local government finance settlement each year, predominantly by way of the formula grant—although there are one or two other grants, as this is a slightly complex world. We are allowing authorities to keep some of that money at the beginning, but because it has to fund two types of authority—