Exiting the European Union (Sanctions)

Debate between Helen Goodman and Stewart Hosie

Tuesday 9th April 2019 Commons Chamber

[Helen Goodman]

That was going to be my concluding point.

[Stewart Hosie (Dundee East) (SNP)]

The hon. Lady made the point about extraterritoriality, but the UK Government, at the same time as introducing the statutory instruments, are rolling over the EC blocking regulation into UK legislation to stop UK citizens being subject to US extraterritoriality. I think that that is sensible, notwithstanding my worries about where they might go in future. May I check, given what the hon. Lady said, what Labour’s position is? Does the Labour party believe that tying the statutory instruments with rolling over the blocking regulation makes sense, or would it do something different?

[Helen Goodman]

There was a lot of conversation about having some euro vehicles to facilitate trade and investment from Britain and the other European countries and I do not quite know why that has run into the sand. Perhaps the Minister will enlighten us.

Let me come back to the general question that the right hon. Member for Wokingham raised, because it is important. One the one hand, everybody can have their idea of the perfect sanctions regime to get the particular policy objective they want. The problem with that lone ranger approach is that shared regimes are needed for sanctions to be effective. The statutory instruments cover sanctions that were introduced at European level. The European Union is a large, significant group of countries that can have a significant impact when it imposes sanctions. Separately from that, we have legal obligations to impose any sanctions that are agreed at UN level. Because of the difficulty of doing anything that works, I want to know from the Minister how he intends to co-ordinate and co-operate in a post-Brexit world.

From the perspective of British business, there is already an awkwardness if the European regimes are not absolutely in line with the American regime, and a proliferation of different legal regimes would cause significant problems for British banks and businesses. I therefore personally do not believe that that is the right route to follow, so I come back to a question that I asked the Minister during the passage of the Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2018. If he would like to intervene again, will he explain to the House how the Government intend to co-ordinate and co-operate with other European countries on sanctions policy post Brexit?

Finance Bill

Debate between Helen Goodman and Stewart Hosie

Wednesday 2nd July 2014 Commons Chamber

[Stewart Hosie]

Indeed, and Malcolm Webb from Oil and Gas UK made a near-identical point when he said:

“It is perplexing…that the Government has chosen to proceed with the bareboat measure. This can only increase costs on the”

UK continental shelf. He also said:

“we fear that this move will drive drilling rigs, already in short supply, out of the UKCS.”

That would be a ridiculous thing to do.

What makes this measure all the more peculiar is that the bareboat charter arrangements are commercial arrangements that are widely used across a range of industries, and not just in the oil and gas sector. The arrangements we are talking about are used internationally, and have formed a consistent part of the UK continental shelf operation for 40 years. So why pick now to take an extra £500 million or £600 million out of the North sea over the next five years? The Treasury’s decision in the Budget to apply this measure only to the oil and gas industry, and only now, to a few specific vessel types, is utterly illogical.

I do not want to detain the House too long, so I think that the key thing to do is to consider the points that the International Association of Drilling Contractors makes about the measure. This is not a gentle criticism of a mildly inconvenient tax; it is an excoriating critique of what the UK Government have done. The association says:

“The measure is unfair and a unilateral deviation from international best practice…with no ability for contractors to reset prices,”

it

“amounts to retrospective and double taxation”,

and in a real and practical sense, it does. It says:

“The measure will depress economic activity. The…changes affect the cost base of the drilling industry”,

with all the impact that might have. It goes on:

“The measure targets a single, specialist sector for additional rent…Specialist international companies that have relocated”

to the UK “will be particularly hit”, when they and their investment should be welcomed instead.

The association argues:

“The government has manipulated the introduction of the measure to avoid proper scrutiny.”

In a particular criticism, it goes on to say:

“It is not appropriate for legislation as complex as this to be published in initial draft form”

on the day it was due to come into effect. That is a preposterous way for the UK Government to behave. The association continues:

“The consequences of the measure have not been properly assessed by HRMC”,

and it says that there are reports that up to £2 billion could be lost from the continental shelf. It also says:

“The measure is deliberately discriminatory...all vessels bar drilling rigs and accommodation units have been exempted for reasons that are far from clear.”

To put that another way, only two sorts of vessels remain included in the scope of the measure, which appears to be the usual sort of smash-and-grab cash raid that this Government make on the North sea.

There appear to be a great many reasons why the bareboat chartering regime is wrong. There appears to be an illogicality about the way it is being introduced, as well as a complete lack of transparency and time properly to assess the long-term impact, not just on drilling rigs and accommodation vessels, but on the entire supply chain. Little concern appears to have been felt about the consequential impact on growth and jobs in the sector and in the economy in general. That is quite a scathing set of criticisms to make of this Government, although it is not unique and could apply to any number of other things that they have done.

I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say, but unless there is a very credible explanation of the amount of tax that he believes is lost, and of how the proposals will help, rather than having the consequences that I have described, I fear that we might divide on new clause 1.

[Helen Goodman]

I should like to speak to new clause 5 and new schedule 4 on the theatre tax relief and to set this in the context of the current state of British theatre.

The Government’s own documents point out that the film tax credit introduced by the previous Labour Government has been a significant success. In answer to written questions from my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Camberwell and Peckham (Ms Harman), the Government have told us that the film tax credit has supported 1,200 films, provides 46,000 jobs, and has brought in £1 billion of investment. Obviously, therefore, a theatre tax relief is a good idea in principle, but it is worth considering whether the drafting of the new clause will achieve all the desired objectives. If it is not drafted sufficiently generously, the positive benefits to the theatre industry and to the British economy will not be achieved, but if it is drafted too loosely, it can become open to abuse. In either of those instances, we will have to come back and revisit the drafting, and the industry will face an unstable regime that is not helpful to its planning. In one respect, the drafting is a bit too loose and in another respect it might be a little too tight.