History Curriculum: Migration

Debate between Gregory Campbell and Chris Evans

Tuesday 18th June 2019 Westminster Hall

[Chris Evans]

My favourite fact is always that in Pennsylvania in the 1920s there were more Welsh speakers than in Wales. That came from Welsh migrants going to West Virginia and Pennsylvania to work in the mines. We also have the famous colony in Patagonia, which was set out in the famous novel “How Green Was My Valley”.

We need to be a bit braver about our history, about our history as an island race, as my hon. Friend the Member for Dulwich and West Norwood (Helen Hayes) said. We have to accept that slavery happened. We talk about it a lot when we talk about American history. We touched on it a lot when I was at university—

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

The hon. Gentleman indicated that we should be a bit more brave in remembering our history. Does he agree that it is sometimes regrettable that in recent years we have seen student campaigns in a small number of educational establishment to remove links to Rhodesia, for example, because of the perception of what happened there? Is it not much better to recognise and acknowledge that those things happened, whether we agree or disagree, rather than trying to obliterate them, particularly in seats of learning?

[Chris Evans]

That is the whole point of this debate: we cannot whitewash our past. These things happened; we should recognise them, and we should learn lessons so they never happen again.

The Department for Education itself said in 2014 that the teaching of Britain’s involvement in the slave trade was considered patchy. We should accept that for well over 300 years, whether we like it or not, Britain played a leading role in forcing Africans on to slave ships for transportation across the Atlantic ocean. It is not just America that has to take the blame for the slave trade; it is this country. When Britain abolished slavery in its colonies in 1830, it paid the slave owners financial compensation. The enslaved people themselves received absolutely nothing—okay, that was a long time ago, but there were 46,000 slave owners, and 3,500 lived in Britain. Those are truths that we should not be afraid to address.

In response to the earlier intervention from the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), I made a point about not understanding history until I got to university and studied it in more depth. I understand Dr Deana Heath, who teaches southern Asian, imperial, colonial and global history at the University of Liverpool, when she says:

“I face an uphill struggle at the start of each new academic year. Many of the undergraduates who greet me know virtually nothing about any of the subjects I teach.”

When I went to university to study history, I was one of those undergraduates. It was not just Irish history that I did not know about; it was British history, and the terrible record of the colonies.

This issue is really important, so I have two asks of the Minister. First, I hope that he takes seriously the idea of putting oral history at the front and centre of the curriculum. Secondly, although we have a great history, we should also shine a light on those things that are uncomfortable for us, because if we do not learn from those mistakes, we run the serious risk of repeating them. I urge the Minister, who I know is a good and thoughtful man, to take those points on board.

Criminal Finances Bill

Debate between Gregory Campbell and Chris Evans

2nd reading: House of Commons & Money resolution: House of Commons & Programme motion: House of Commons
Tuesday 25th October 2016 Commons Chamber

[Chris Evans (Islwyn) (Lab/Co-op)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Wealden (Nusrat Ghani) on a rather succinct speech. There are many things that divide us in this House, but the subjects that she was talking about bring us together.

It is a pleasure to follow my right hon. Friend the Member for Barking (Dame Margaret Hodge), formerly a formidable Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, of which I am now a member. I know that her studs have been felt by many a civil servant and many in the private sector. A lot of people are pleased that she is no longer the Chair of that Committee, but I am not one of them.

For too long, law enforcement agencies have had to fight organised crime and terrorism with one arm effectively tied behind their back. It is simply not possible to counter organised crime and terrorism as effectively as is necessary without the power to investigate properly, and to confiscate criminal property and the proceeds of crime. Like many other speakers in the debate, I broadly support in principle most of the Bill’s measures. It is right that those who have gained assets in suspicious circumstances should be asked to explain where those assets came from. Where it is found that they have been involved in crime, and that those assets are the proceeds of crime, law enforcement should be able to confiscate and seize assets beyond cash. That is the only way to ensure that justice is done and for the proceeds of crime to be returned to the system and used for the public good.

Information sharing between banks is key to the investigation of financial crimes, so I am pleased that the Bill includes measures to improve that. Perhaps the Minister will tell us whether the banks have made any response. When I have talked about the sharing of data, they have been reticent, citing reasons of competition. I hope that concern has been overcome and that the Bill will provide good law.

Following the shocking revelations earlier this year in the so-called Panama papers, I am pleased that the Government are fulfilling their commitment to be tough on the middlemen involved in tax evasion and other financial crimes. Corporations and their employees who are involved in facilitating tax evasion and other financial crimes in the UK and internationally must be held to account. I welcome the fact that investigations into terrorist financing are covered by the Bill. If we are to clamp down on violent extremism, it is vital that such groups do not have access to the resources that they need to commission their acts of evil.

I believe, however, that some elements of the Bill are vulnerable to being undermined. Although its measures would apply in the United Kingdom, it does not appear that they would extend to British overseas territories and Crown dominions. This problem must be addressed, otherwise there is a risk that the Bill and law enforcement agencies’ ability to investigate crime will be weakened. In particular, British overseas territories such as the Cayman Islands and the British Virgin Islands have lamentable policies on transparency. I know that the former Prime Minister was desperate to change the situation and pay tribute to his work in that respect. Those islands literally harbour money, as they are the registered home of some of the largest and most valuable super-yachts in the world. Anybody can walk across any harbour in Spain or Italy, or see at sea, the Russian oligarchs’ huge super-yachts that are registered to the Cayman Islands. One has to ask why a Russian oligarch finds the Cayman Islands such an attractive place to register his rather large boat.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

It is the weather.

Fuel Poverty

Debate between Gregory Campbell and Chris Evans

Wednesday 19th January 2011 Westminster Hall

[Chris Evans]

I shall be making a point about the specific targeting of benefits. The severe weather payment is a difficult one, because it is supposed to relate to the temperature dropping at the local weather centre. It may be difficult to work out who is experiencing low temperatures.

To return to the point I was making, when energy companies target support to customers there should be additional support from the Government. That could be through the sharing of data; alternatively, local authorities and other community groups, which often have a better understanding of where support is needed, could be encouraged to work in partnership with energy companies to deliver energy efficiency programmes to vulnerable groups. Of course, as my hon. Friend the Member for Ynys Môn (Albert Owen) said, putting schemes in place is all very well, but if people do not know about them, the opportunity to assist them is lost. Members of Parliament should be doing much more to publicise the availability of existing schemes and to encourage people to take them up. The complexity of fuel poverty means that there cannot be a one-size-fits-all solution to tackling it. It is important that we look for long-term, sustainable solutions for families in fuel poverty.

One way to combat fuel poverty is to increase the income of many of those who are at risk of falling into the fuel poverty trap. There should be a review of the winter fuel payment and it should be better targeted, to reach those in need. Perhaps the payment should be targeted at the fuel-poor of all ages, including children and young people, those living in hard-to-treat homes and those with long-term health conditions, as well as older people. Another effective and sustainable way to tackle fuel poverty is through improved energy efficiency. The provision of energy efficiency measures and advice must be at the heart of all Government programmes, whatever the colour of the Government, to help vulnerable people to heat their homes adequately.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on a timely debate. He touches on the question of ensuring that every person who is eligible and vulnerable should try to get help from whatever form of warm homes scheme they have in the part of the UK where they live. Does he agree that perhaps we should consider upgrading the scheme, to target the older properties that he referred to earlier, which are particularly hard to heat, so that elderly and young people can have a warm home, rather than an additional couple of inches of roof space insulation, which some schemes offer?

[Chris Evans]

The point that I am trying to make is that one way to solve fuel poverty is to make sure people do not use so much energy; it brings the price of their energy bills down and they will have a warmer home. They will come out of fuel poverty and will not be in so much danger.

The welfare and public sector cuts that have been announced by the Government together represent a threat to the lives of millions of people. I worry that the number of people in fuel poverty will soar over the coming months as a result.

It is all very well quoting figures, and my telling the House how wicked I think the Government are, but what does it mean to live in fuel poverty? It means that families will have to cut back on essential items to allocate money for rising fuel bills, or will have to turn down their heating, risking their health by increasing the chances of contracting common ailments such as colds, flu or bronchitis. Fuel poverty causes stress in children and adults as well as long-term depression and anxiety. To many individuals and families it can be the main cause of social exclusion, and deteriorating life chances and educational achievement.

I welcome the independent review of fuel poverty targets that the Government have said they will initiate before the end of the year. Making the nation’s housing stock more energy efficient should be at the heart of the Government’s energy strategy in the Energy Bill. The Government have set out plans for their green deal, whereby loan-funded insulation costs pay for themselves through efficiency savings. However, at the same time, as I have said, the coalition have announced that they are cutting Warm Front funding to a third of its current level. That threatens to leave many fuel-poor households even worse off, because they are likely currently to be under-heating their home, so any savings from improved energy efficiency will be taken in additional warmth, and their energy bill savings will not be enough to cover the green deal finance repayments.

Furthermore, some vulnerable customers may be nervous about taking on a fixed charge on their energy bill, despite promises of lower final bills, as that will reduce their option to budget. I fear the green deal is unlikely to be sufficient to help the fuel-poor. That has been confirmed by Age UK, which states that while the Government’s plan to have loan-funded insulation costs pay for themselves through efficiency savings

“is likely to benefit mid and high income households, there remains a big question mark over whether it will work for those in fuel poverty.”

It is therefore vital that the energy company obligation should meet the needs of the fuel-poor. That is particularly important for the fuel-poor, as in some cases existing heating systems may be inefficient, but the existing carbon-focused schemes mean that it is not possible to install a new more efficient system.

In conclusion, given the pain that is being inflicted on people by energy companies, it should be remembered that, unlike consumer prices, wholesale energy prices are half of what they were in 2008. It is a matter of some urgency that the Government should intervene to curb excessive fuel price increases.