Care Bill [Lords]

Debate between Grahame Morris and Liz Kendall

Tuesday 11th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Grahame M. Morris]

I want to make a few points in support of amendment 30, which would delete clause 119 on the basis that the TSA was never designed to deal with reconfigurations across an entire region. Despite the assurances given by the right hon. Member for Charnwood (Mr Dorrell) and Government Front Benchers, the potential remains for this mechanism to be used as a back-door route to making changes and closures at hospitals.

I also declare my support for new clause 16. However, although it would ameliorate the worst parts of clause 119 by ensuring that local commissioners in non-failing areas had a veto over any decisions affecting their trust, it is not, as colleagues have said, a perfect solution.

Clause 19—or, as 38 Degrees and other campaigning groups refer to it, the hospital closure clause—should not stand part of the Bill. I had the honour to serve on the Bill Committee for what is now the Health and Social Care Act 2012 and I attended 39 out of 40 sittings. I missed one because I attended a Health Committee sitting at which the then Health Secretary was giving evidence about NHS England, which was previously called the NHS Commissioning Board, and I did not want to miss that.

I sat through that Bill Committee and listened to the Government’s reasons for their reorganisation. We were told that it would deliver a decentralised service and put power in the hands of clinicians. To be frank, clause 119 makes a mockery of that claim. Far from delivering a decentralised service that puts power in the hands of clinicians, the Secretary of State seems to be seeking to take power away from GPs and local communities in order to further reconfigure the NHS for purely financial reasons.

To suggest that the trust special administrator regime is a natural extension of the existing legislation is a gross distortion. The TSA process was never intended to be used as a back-door way to make unpopular reconfigurations. Potentially, clause 119 could take control of every NHS trust and foundation trust away from the public, leaving no hospital bed in the country safe. It should not stand part of the Bill.

If the Bill is enacted, clause 119 will mean that the NHS in England will face further wholesale, top-down reorganisations. The clause could be used as a method to achieve that. I do not think that anyone in this House wishes that to happen. I am sure that, in their hearts, some Government Members do not want that, and certainly no one in the country voted for it. Our problem is that there would be virtually no accountability to local people.

The successful legal challenge brought by the London borough of Lewisham and the Save Lewisham Hospital umbrella campaign—I pay tribute to their efforts, which have brought about this situation—showed conclusively that the Secretary of State did not have the power to axe Lewisham’s accident and emergency and maternity wards as a solution to problems in the neighbouring South London Healthcare NHS Trust.

Clause 119 is designed to allow the Secretary of State to do what he failed to do in Lewisham—to close down thriving and financially sustainable hospitals on a whim, without full and proper consultation. To suggest, as was said in Committee, that a tokenistic meeting with a local authority overview and scrutiny committee would assuage public concerns does not hold water. We must rebuild trust: we need full and proper consultation with patients and the public, and we need agreements with clinical commissioning groups. I am somewhat surprised at the willingness of Government Members, who have championed the cause of GP-led commissioning, to subvert the role of CCGs in that respect.

[Liz Kendall]

As a fellow member of the Health and Social Care Bill Committee, does my hon. Friend remember that we warned the Government that although there were clearly problems with strategic health authorities, those bodies could take a wider view of the health economy, and that having very new, young and small clinical commissioning groups that are all separate meant that it would be very hard to take such wider views? Does he remember that we warned the Government in those debates, and does he agree that they are doing this top-down reorganisation now precisely because there is no mechanism for delivering wider health views?

[Grahame M. Morris]

I do remember those debates, some of which were very long and acrimonious. I still have the scars on my back. They are a badge of honour, and I am proud to have been in the trenches with hon. Members fighting to preserve our NHS and to save it from the Trojan horse of privatisation.

To return to the matter in hand, the trust special administration process will bring drastic changes to hospital configurations. It represents a move away from the principle of reconfiguration of services on the basis of clinical need in favour of doing so solely on the basis of financial considerations. The justification process starts with the need to save money.

There have been attempts to reassure hon. Members and the general public that the trust special administration process would be enacted only in exceptional circumstances. As in our earlier exchanges about clause 119, hon. Members need to be alive to the situation confronting many NHS trusts, including the fact that about 30 trusts have been identified as being in particular financial difficulties. Those circumstances are not exceptional: come the end of the year and next year, there is a very clear and present danger that they will be not exceptional but normal.

In this situation, the NHS and foundation trusts are struggling, for a variety of reasons, to do more with less. I accept that the burden of the private finance initiative is one of those reasons, but there are others. There have been problems where walk-in treatment centres have closed. NHS spending has fallen in real terms. Almost a third of NHS trusts in England now forecast a deficit at the end of the financial year. There is growing pessimism about the financial health of the NHS, and figures suggest that the number of trusts undergoing the trust special administration regime will grow. As I have said, some 30 trusts have been identified as at risk of closure were clause 119 to be enacted as part of the Bill. Under this Government, it seems that the exceptional circumstances that would trigger the trust special administration process would no longer be exceptional.

I advise hon. Members who want to avoid soon having to take part in campaigns to save accident and emergency or maternity wards in their own constituencies —as has been done by my right hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham, Deptford (Dame Joan Ruddock), my hon. Friends the Members for Lewisham West and Penge (Jim Dowd) and for Lewisham East (Heidi Alexander), and the hon. Member for Stafford (Jeremy Lefroy)—to support Labour’s amendment 30.

Francis Report

Debate between Grahame Morris and Liz Kendall

Wednesday 5th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Liz Kendall]

Wherever there is evidence of poor care, it must be looked into. The hon. Gentleman did not mention that the Welsh Assembly has ordered a specific independent inquiry by experts outside Wales into aspects of care at the Princess of Wales and Neath Port Talbot hospitals, which I welcome.

Of all the lessons to be learned from Mid Staffordshire, the most important one is that the primary cause of the failures was the hospital and the trust board not listening to patients and their families, and not putting their needs and concerns first. Sir Robert Francis rightly says that there must be fundamental changes to ensure the real involvement of patients and the public in all that is done and to secure a common patient-centred culture throughout the NHS.

National Voices, a coalition of more than 130 patient, user and carer organisations, says that a concerted drive to listen to patients and carers must be a top priority for all trust boards and care organisations. It emphasises that over and above regulation, which it says has

“an important but limited role in ensuring quality and safety.”

Ministers have rightly spoken about the need for effective regulation and have taken some welcome steps, but the Care Quality Commission and the new chief inspectors will not be the main way of preventing the sort of failings we saw at Mid Staffordshire. Regulation identifies problems when they have begun, rather than preventing them from happening in the first place. Regulators cannot be everywhere all the time, but patients and their families are, which is why their views must be heard from the bedside to the boardroom, and at the heart of Whitehall.

The Labour Government made important progress. They published, for the first time, data on stroke and cardiac care. That helped to improve standards for patients and was a powerful incentive for staff to make changes. The next step is to provide systematic and comprehensive patient feedback. That must move from being the exception to being the norm.

The Government’s friend and families test is welcome as far as it goes but, as National Voices says,

“it is a crude measure on which the NHS would be unwise to place too much reliance.”

It asks only whether patients would recommend an NHS service to others, but not why, and it does not provide the detailed, real-time feedback that patients want and staff need to improve the quality of care. Developments such as the patient opinion and care opinion websites offer a powerful way forward. They enable people to tell the story of their NHS or care experience online, in writing or on the phone. That gives patients a voice, allows other people to see what is being said about a service, and in a simple and cost-effective way provides staff with a direct incentive to improve.

The Secretary of State said we must all be champions for change, and hon. Members may remember that I wrote to everyone saying that as a Member of Parliament they should sign up because it is a great way for us to understand what is really going on. I have asked my hospital trust and other services to do the same. That will be a powerful way of making change happen.

We must also look at how staff are trained to ensure that they always put patients first. Places such as Worcester university are leading the way: patients and families help to interview people who are applying to be nurses and health care assistants; they help to develop the content of courses so that they include what really matters to patients; and they take part in teaching students. Ministers should have spent the last three years championing such initiatives instead of reorganising the training structures as a result of the Health and Social Care Act 2012.

Individual patient voices are not the only ones that must be heard. We need a strong collective voice for users. The Francis report recommended investing in patient leaders to speak out on behalf of the public, to help to design services locally, and to hold them properly to account. Ministers claimed that that is what Healthwatch would do, but their rhetoric is simply not matched by the reality: national Healthwatch has nowhere near the same power, authority or levers to change services as NHS England, the Care Quality Commission or Monitor.

Local Healthwatch bodies are also weak. They were late out of the starting blocks and are woefully understaffed. Last week, we heard that £10 million of the £40 million budget that was promised for local Healthwatch has gone missing, despite the explicit recommendation in the Francis report that

“Local authorities should be required to pass over the centrally provided funds allocated to its Local Healthwatch”.

If Ministers are serious about giving patients a strong voice locally, they must look again at the support that Healthwatch is getting on the ground.

A strong patient voice is more essential than ever before because of the huge pressures on local services. Across the country, the NHS is struggling to cope with the increasing number of frail elderly people ending up in hospitals that were designed for a different age. Twenty per cent. of hospital beds have older people in them who need not be there if they had the right support in the community or at home. Half a million fewer people are receiving basic help to get up, washed, dressed and fed as council care budgets are cut to the bone. Mental health services, especially for children, are under intolerable strain as money for vital community services is being diverted to cope with pressures elsewhere in the system. This is not good for patients and families, it puts staff under pressure, and it ends up costing the taxpayer far more as people end up in more expensive hospital care or, in the case of mental health patients, being transported hundreds of miles around the country.

The NHS needs radical change, not to its back-room structures but to its front-line services and support. Improving safety and quality means that some services must be concentrated in specialist centres and others must be shifted out of hospitals into the community and towards prevention, fully integrated with social care. Under the previous Government, plans had been drawn up to reorganise services in every English region through Lord Darzi’s next stage review, but rather than pushing forward with those plans and making the changes that patients want and need, Ministers scrapped them simply because they were developed under the previous Labour Government. Instead, they embarked on a huge back-room NHS reorganisation, wasting precious time, effort and resources.

As several hon. Members have said, the new NHS structures are utterly confusing, with no clear lines of accountability or responsibility. There are now 211 clinical commissioning groups, 152 health and wellbeing boards, 27 NHS England local area teams, four NHS England regional teams—I am not sure what they are doing—23 commissioning support units, and 10 specialist commissioning units, alongside Monitor, the Care Quality Commission and NHS England. Can you make sense of that, Mr Deputy Speaker? Who is providing the leadership? Who is to be held to account? Across the country, people are doing their contract negotiations for next year, trying to make changes to services, and they say to me that there is no clear leadership in the system. That must change.

We have heard a lot about changing the culture in the NHS. That culture is about behaviour and the millions of personal interactions that happen every single day in the NHS. Getting those right will not happen through regulation alone but by giving patients and the public a powerful voice in every part of the system. This issue has had too little attention since the Francis report was published. Crucially, the culture is about leadership, and leadership comes from the top.

I warn Ministers not to be complacent about saying that the bullying culture has gone. On Friday, I met the chief executive of a trust who showed me an e-mail from the NHS Trust Development Authority, which is quite close to Ministers’ doors. I will not be able to say exactly what it said because it contained swear words, but it said, in effect: “Open the beep beds; just beep do it.” That was in an e-mail to a chief executive. The bullying culture is still going on. Ministers need to get a grip, particularly on what is happening at the NHS Trust Development Authority, which is causing real problems in the system.

[Grahame M. Morris]

This is more pervasive than something that happens at the highest level. When members of my trade union, Unite, from the Yorkshire ambulance service raised legitimate concerns about the impact on the service of privatisation and de-skilling, the reaction of management was to de-recognise the trade union. That is outrageous.

[Liz Kendall]

This is not leadership; this is not what we want in our health service.

Real leadership is about setting a vision and working with staff and patients to make it happen. Yesterday Sir John Oldham published the report of his independent commission on whole-person care, which was drawn up with people who have worked in the system and sets out the reforms that we need to ensure that our NHS and care services are fit for the future. Across the NHS, patients and staff are crying out for clear leadership. Until we get this right, we will not really have learned the lessons from the failings of Mid-Staffs.

NHS Reorganisation

Debate between Grahame Morris and Liz Kendall

Wednesday 16th March 2011 Commons Chamber

[Liz Kendall]

What patients want is their views and voices to be heard. As the hon. Lady well knows, eight of the country’s leading patient charities, including the Alzheimer’s Society, Asthma UK and Diabetes UK, have said that the patient and public voice is not strong enough under the Bill, and they have demanded changes. I respectfully ask that she look at their comments and act on their views.

The fundamental issues at the heart of the Bill are turning Monitor, which is currently responsible for foundation trusts, into a powerful new economic regulator to promote competition across the NHS, and enshrining UK and EU competition law into primary legislation on the NHS for the first time. That is not my view but the view of David Bennett, the new chairman of Monitor, expressed in his evidence to the Public Bill Committee. The Government are explicitly modelling the NHS on the gas, electricity, railway and telecoms industries. Government Members who are shaking their heads or looking blank should read the explanatory notes to the Bill, which make that absolutely clear.

[Grahame M. Morris]

May I point out that yesterday, in an Adjournment debate in Westminster Hall about the future of the blood services contract, the Under-Secretary of State said in response to a question from my hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland (Tom Blenkinsop) that EU competition rules would apply?

[Liz Kendall]

The Minister of State, Department of Health, the right hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr Burns), also said yesterday, in the Health and Social Care Bill Committee, that EU competition law would apply, and gave me some assurances that that would somehow not change anything. When I asked whether the Government had taken legal advice on that, he admitted that they had. I asked him then to publish that advice so that hon. Members did not have to take my word for it, and I shall do so again. Will he publish that advice so that hon. Members can see whether GP-commissioning consortia and providers will be subject to EU competition law? Sadly, it appears that he will not do so.