(10 months ago)
Commons ChamberOn a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. I have been in this House longer than most people, and it is a courtesy to the House in a winding-up speech to give way in an even-handed way. This Minister has given way to a Conservative Member, but he refuses to take any interventions from the Opposition.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for that point of order. It is up to the Minister to decide to whom he gives way. It would be slightly more usual for him to give way to Members who had been in the Chamber throughout the debate. However, it is up to him to decide. And I really do not like points of order in the middle of winding-up speeches.
If the hon. Gentleman, who has hardly been here, would sit down, I will fortunately be able to come to a close.
The amendment put forward by His Majesty’s Opposition suggests that maximising the falling production from the North sea will put us at the greater mercy of petrostates. That is so obviously untrue that I hope they would hold their heads in shame about it. That has been at the heart of the Opposition’s approach to this Bill.
The Bill is designed to send a signal to the industry that we have its back. It is all about ensuring that we get to net zero in the most efficient and effective manner possible, and it will underpin this Government’s continued leadership on climate now and for many years to come. I urge the House to support the Bill.
Well, that was lively. [Laughter.] Now that I have Members’ attention, I want to emphasise how important it is for those who have participated in debates to get back in good time for the winding-ups speeches. When the wind-ups come up early, please just keep an eye out for them and make sure to come back, because people who have participated will be mentioned in the wind-ups and it is courteous to be here to hear them.
(11 months, 2 weeks ago)
Commons ChamberMay I thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, as well as all the staff of this House and colleagues across the House, for all your hard work this year? I wish everyone a very happy Christmas.
It was a privilege to attend the summit in Dubai over the past two weeks. I was proud to represent a country that has cut greenhouse gas emissions more than any other major economy since 1990; that has boosted our share of renewable electricity from a rather dismal 7% in 2010 to almost half today, while almost entirely phasing out coal power; that has led the world in mobilising green finance; and that is now ensuring that we bring the British public with us on the transition to net zero, thanks to the Prime Minister’s plans to protect families from unnecessary costs and give people more time to adapt to changes.
While we are on track, the world is not. The global stocktake confirmed that emissions need to peak by 2025 and fall by 43% between 2019 and 2030 to achieve the Paris goal of limiting warming to 1.5°C. The current pace of global decarbonisation is well behind that trajectory, and the urgency of the climate challenge means that we cannot delay any further.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has underlined the importance of transitioning towards renewables, which are less vulnerable to price shocks. That is why our objectives throughout COP28 were clear: we needed to agree urgent action to ensure 1.5° remains viable as a ceiling, including trebling global renewables, doubling energy efficiency and phasing out unabated fossil fuels; and we needed to reform international finance to unlock the trillions required in climate funding.
Today I am delighted to say that we have secured a final agreement that supports those goals. For the first time ever, we have a global agreement on a transition away from fossil fuels. The agreement on fossil fuels builds and expands on the UK’s leadership at COP26, which had the first reference to phasing down coal power, secured agreements behind efforts to decarbonise key sectors of the global economy and, most notably, saw the proportion of global GDP covered by net zero targets increase from around 30% to 90% during our presidency.
This week’s COP28 agreement is not perfect. We wanted to see more action on coal, and on ending the construction of new coal power plants in particular. Like some of the small island states, we wanted greater clarity and fewer loopholes in the agreement. None the less, this is a turning point. We are unifying the world around a common commitment, listening to the islanders of the Pacific and elsewhere, whose voices must be heard, and showing that we are responding to the science by moving away from fossil fuels and raising a torch to inspire action.
Throughout the summit, the UK made significant progress on delivering that action, building on our legacy from COP26. We were pleased to be one of over 130 countries to support the global pledge to triple renewable energy and double energy efficiency by 2030. As co-chair of the Powering Past Coal Alliance, I was delighted to welcome 13 new members, including the United States of America and the United Arab Emirates—all committing to phase out unabated coal power. Through the Energy Transition Council, we are working with developing countries via our rapid response facility to help support them through the energy transition.
We also announced £1.6 billion-worth of new international climate finance projects, which will support developing countries to transition to net zero and adapt to the impacts of climate change, while also expanding green industries on a global scale. We joined the UAE’s climate finance framework, which sets out new principles to reform the global financial system, and we announced plans to launch the climate investment funds capital market mechanism to raise up to £7.5 billion over the next decade for green projects.
However, we recognise that keeping global warming to less than 1.5° is impossible without urgent action to protect, sustainably manage and restore forests. Following the historic agreement at Glasgow to halt and reverse deforestation by 2030, the Prime Minister made forests and nature a top priority for COP28. We agreed £576 million to safeguard 10 million hectares of forests and help half a million people in poor, rural communities, which are the most vulnerable to deforestation. I joined Brazil’s Environment Minister, Marina Silva, to welcome the Prime Minister’s pledge of a further £35 million for Brazil’s Amazon fund. That is on top of the £80 million we announced earlier this year, making the UK one of the scheme’s top three contributors. Finally, the new forest risk commodity measures in the Environment Act 2021 will ensure that there is no space on our supermarket shelves for products linked to deforestation.
However, that is not all. We secured the expansion of the breakthrough agenda—our clean technology accelerator—to cover 57 members and seven economic sectors, representing 60% of global emissions. Up to £185 million was announced for a first-of-a-kind, UK-led facility to help countries across Africa, Asia and Latin America to commercialise green technologies. Essential commitments to support resilience included up to £60 million of UK funding for loss and damage—a significant outcome of Sharm el-Sheikh, now carried forward into operation—an agreement on the framework for the global goal on adaptation, and an international green public procurement pledge to boost the use of green steel, cement and concrete. The UK endorsed a bold plan to triple nuclear power capacity globally, mirroring our domestic strategy for nuclear to make up a quarter of electricity production by 2050. There were also new partnerships with Brazil supporting industrial decarbonisation and hydrogen transitions, and a roadmap for the expansion of zero-emission vehicles in the developing world, backed by major donor countries. The great news is that British businesses will benefit hugely from all that, because as the world decarbonises it will use British expertise and skills as a springboard to realise the net zero transition.
Just as the Prime Minister announced measures to ensure that we bring consumers and households with us on the energy transition, our negotiations at COP have been about bringing countries with us, helping richer nations to set an example, encouraging the biggest polluters to replace fossil fuels with clean energy and working with developing nations to finance green growth. COPs are, above all, about people and our long-standing, trusted relationships with partners all around the world— from big emitters to small island developing states—afforded us significant influence. I am proud of the role that my team played.
I pay tribute to the UAE presidency and Dr Sultan al-Jaber, who acted as COP President, as well as a host of others, including the High Ambition Coalition for its leadership jointly to deliver this result. I was delighted that the UK was able to support a strong delegation of international parliamentarians at this COP, including the first ever pavilion dedicated to parliamentarians. Despite this landmark agreement, and however successful the UK’s record to date, we still have such a long way to go to finance the transition and achieve our global ambitions, so the UK will continue to encourage others to join the UK on a net zero pathway in this critical decade and help deliver a just, prosperous and secure future for all the peoples of the planet.
I call the shadow Secretary of State.
I pay tribute to my right hon. Friend for his efforts at COP26 in Glasgow, including the significant measure on phasing down coal. [Interruption.] Could the right hon. Member for Doncaster North (Edward Miliband) be quiet for one second? He did so little in government, and he has so much to say now—it is quite a contrast, is it not?
Returning to my right hon. Friend’s serious and respectful question on oil and gas licences, as I said, we are a net importer. We are producing our own oil and gas to ever higher standards, and I am proud of the North sea transition deal, which has seen the industry work with Government to cut emissions from production by 50% by 2030. My challenge back to my right hon. Friend is this: in what way is there any linkage between producing to ever higher standards and a falling level of oil and gas? New licences simply allow us to manage the decline of a basin that is expected to fall at 7% a year and to halve in a decade, and will see us growing our independence from imports, even with those new licences. That is why we are issuing them.
On the issue of subsidies, our tax regime is set at 75% —among the highest in the whole world. [Interruption.] The right hon. Member for Doncaster North cannot win the argument when he is on his feet, so he tries to do it when he is sitting down. If only he had shown the same energy when he was in government, we would not have had the woeful inheritance that we alone have had to turn round. We are expecting £50 billion in taxes from the oil and gas sector, and without new licences to allow for the greening of the basin so that we reduce emissions, we would not be able to ensure that each barrel of oil and production of gas comes with a lower level of production emissions than it does today. That is our ambition.
I thank the Minister for advance sight of his statement.
At COP26 in Glasgow, Scotland became the first developed nation in the world to commit funding to address loss and damage. Does the Minister agree that loss and damage funding should be prioritised to meet the needs of the communities that need it most, and distributed in a way that does not add to the debt burden of the global south? Scotland’s First Minister has welcomed the deal, especially the new pledge of $700 million for loss and damage, but of course, that still falls short of the funding that will ultimately be required. What is the UK doing to push for more funding down the line, and how much will it contribute now?
The former president of COP, the right hon. Member for Reading West (Sir Alok Sharma), made an excellent point. The new agreement reached at COP28 commits all countries to transition away from fossil fuels. We welcome that agreement, to which the UK is of course a signatory. Can the Minister outline how the UK Government’s plan to increase oil production in the UK aligns with the plans to transition away from fossil fuels, and how can we trust them?
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. We should all be grateful to The Times and its journalists for going undercover and revealing such behaviour—the processes were not followed. Ultimately, as a final resort, we need a forcible installation of prepayment meters in order to ensure that someone is not cut off entirely; that is necessary, but every effort must be made to support people, offer them payment plans, provide them with emergency credit and the like. We are ensuring that we have a system that does that. Ofgem has therefore since announced that it will conduct a further assessment of supplier prepayment meter practices, and we will back Ofgem to have all the powers it needs to hold suppliers to account.
It should never have got this far. We should never have ended up in a situation in which we are now talking about compensating people for something that should never have been allowed to happen to them in the first place. Nor would it have happened if the Government had listened to the many voices who have been telling them this for months. Since I first wrote to the Secretary of State in September—I am still waiting for a reply, incidentally—prepayment meters have been mentioned 450 times in this place and the other place, so the Secretary of State feigning surprise at the weekend is just not acceptable. Nor is stopping at this one aspect of forced switching, and nor is compensation alone—these meters need to be taken away.
Why are we so appalled? It is because prepayment meters are unfair, full stop. Whether they are forced on vulnerable people or whether people choose to have them, they are unfair because someone who is on one will pay more per unit of energy than those who pay in arrears, which is most of us; they will pay more in daily standing charges; and they will be automatically disconnected the second they run out of money. That is why these abhorrent practices, which have been going on for a very long time, are so unfair: prepayment meter customers are treated unfairly, full stop. Will the Minister ask the Secretary of State to look at all aspects of prepayment meters with a view to radically overhauling the entire unfair system? Does he believe that energy should be a human right?
The hon. Gentleman may always come at the end of the questions, but his are rarely the weakest ones. He is absolutely right on this. If we need to do more to strengthen the regulator, we will do so, to make sure that, as he says, the people who feel themselves to be at the bottom of the pile are not ill-treated—we cannot have a system that does that. We have to have one that puts their interests at the top of our list of priorities.
I thank the Minister for answering the urgent question.
Business of the House (Today)
Ordered,
That, at this day’s sitting—
(1) Notwithstanding the provisions of Standing Order No. 16 (Proceedings under an Act or on European Union documents), the Speaker shall put the Questions necessary to dispose of proceedings on—
(a) the motions in the name of Guy Opperman relating to (a) Social Security Benefits Up-rating Order 2023 and (b) Benefit Cap (Annual Limit) (Amendment) Regulations 2023, and in the name of Laura Trott relating to (c) Guaranteed Minimum Pensions Increase Order 2023 not later than three hours after the commencement of proceedings on the motion for this Order; and
(b) the motion in the name of the Chancellor of the Exchequer relating to the Charter for Budget Responsibility not later than 90 minutes after the commencement of proceedings on the motion for that Order;
proceedings may continue, though opposed, until any hour, may be entered upon after the moment of interruption; and Standing Order No. 41A (Deferred divisions) shall not apply; and
(2) Standing Order No. 41A (Deferred divisions) shall not apply to the Motion in the name of Secretary Grant Shapps relating to Energy.—(Penny Mordaunt.)
The right hon. Gentleman has raised this with me. There are issues, and the Government have intervened to make sure that the distribution costs in the far north of Scotland and the islands are not fully reflected in the price, so a special exemption has been made. However, he is right—I have heard about the difficulty for builders of getting a meter installed, and it should not be beyond the wit of man for people to align and work together to make sure that the system runs efficiently and people get a meter when they should. I share his frustration.
I thank the Minister for answering the urgent question. Before I take points of order, we will move to a personal statement by Andrew Bridgen.
(2 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberWith this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Amendment 10, in clause 2, page 3, line 5, leave out “negative” and insert “affirmative”.
Clause 2 stand part.
Amendment 11, in clause 3, page 4, line 7, leave out “negative” and insert “affirmative”.
Clauses 3 to 8 stand part.
Amendment 19, in clause 9, page 8, line 3, at end insert—
‘(2A) Within two weeks of this Act coming into force the Secretary of State must make a statement to Parliament as to whether he intends to introduce regulations under subsections (1) or (2), and including any indicative reductions that will be implemented.”
This amendment would require the Government to state within two weeks of Royal Assent whether it will introduce regulations under clause 9.
Amendment 7, in clause 9, page 8, line 16, at end insert—
‘(4A) Regulations under this section must apply to non-domestic customers—
(a) that signed a fixed agreement with their energy provider after 1 December 2021, and
(b) on variable rates tariffs.”
This amendment would ensure that non-domestic customers who signed a fixed tariff agreement between 1 December 2021 and 1 April 2022 also benefit from the reduced energy charges.
Amendment 17, in clause 9, page 8, line 17, leave out “may” and insert “must”.
Amendment 18, in clause 9, page 8, line 18, after “section” insert “, and provide a report to Parliament setting out the amount of money paid to electricity and gas suppliers over the 6 month period, an estimate of how many businesses have been supported, and a business sectorial breakdown of the financial support provided.”
This amendment is to enable analysis of the cost of the scheme, the types of businesses supported, and the approximate sums paid to different business sectors.
Clauses 9 to 12 stand part.
Amendment 16, in clause 13, page 10, line 26, at end insert—
‘(1A) The Secretary of State may establish a domestic fuel reduction scheme in Great Britain for off gas grid homes heated from supplies of fossil fuels such as LPG and oil.”.
Amendment 6, in clause 13, page 10, line 37, at end insert—
‘(3A) The Secretary of State must make alternative fuel payments to non-domestic consumers of energy who are not connected to the gas or electricity grid and who will not benefit from the non-domestic energy bill relief schemes, and these payments must be at a level which provides such consumers with a cost reduction equivalent to those consumers benefiting from the non-domestic energy bill relief schemes.”.
This amendment would provide non-domestic customers that are off grid and who are not covered by the Energy Bill Relief Scheme with support which has parity with that given to other non-domestic users.
Amendment 9, in clause 13, page 10, line 37, at end insert—
‘(3A) Any payments made to energy users not connected to the gas or electricity networks must be provided direct to those users’ bank accounts.”.
This amendment would ensure that those receiving payments under the Alternative Fuel Payments schemes do so through their bank accounts rather than through their electricity bill.
Clause 13 stand part.
Amendment 12, in clause 14, page 11, line 24, leave out “as soon as reasonably practicable” and insert “within 28 days of the expenditure being incurred”.
Amendment 13, in clause 14, page 11, line 25, at end insert “; and in calculating the period of 28 days, no account is to be taken of any whole days that fall within a period during which—
(a) Parliament is dissolved or prorogued, or
(b) either House of Parliament is adjourned for more than four days.”.
Clauses 14 and 15 stand part.
Amendment 14, in clause 16, page 14, line 40, leave out “The first”.
Amendment 15, in clause 16, page 14, line 41, leave out “any other regulations under this section are subject to the negative procedure”.
Clause 16 stand part.
Amendment 8, in clause 17, page 15, line 24, at end insert—
‘(2A) The Secretary of State must place any information received in response to a direction under subsection (1) in the Library of the House of Commons.”.
This amendment would require the Secretary of State to place in the Commons Library the responses to any direction to an electricity generator to provide information under the power in clause 17(1).
Clauses 17 and 18 stand part.
Amendment 4, in clause 19, page 16, line 37, at end insert—
‘(1A) Regulations under subsection (1) must provide that the pass-through requirements on intermediaries are in force until at least 30 September 2024.”.
This amendment would ensure that the requirement on intermediaries to pass through to end users the benefit of Government price support will last for two years.
Clauses 19 to 26 stand part.
Amendment 1, in clause 27, page 22, line 40, at end insert—
“(c) anything done or proposed to be done to prevent electricity generators and oil and gas producers from passing on the costs of any levy imposed on them or payments they are required to make under this Act.”.
This amendment is a power for the Secretary of State to undertake consequential actions in order to secure the full reduction in the cost of domestic or non-domestic energy bills in Great Britain.
Clauses 27 to 30 stand part.
New clause 1—Impact assessment on VAT zero rating insulation works for tenement buildings in Scotland—
‘Within six months of the date of Royal Assent to this Act, the Secretary of State must carry out an assessment of the impact of zero rating value added tax on work and materials to insulate tenement buildings in Scotland.’.
New clause 2—Marginal cost of electricity—
‘Within two years of the date of Royal Assent to this Act, the Secretary of State must consult on and implement a scheme to disaggregate the cost of production of natural gas from the cost of production of other energy sources with a view to reducing the cost of electricity to domestic and commercial consumers.’.
This new clause requires the Secretary of State to devise and implement a scheme to disaggregate the cost of production of natural gas from the cost of production of other energy sources in order to reduce the cost of electricity to domestic and commercial consumers.
New clause 3—Report on additional expenditure treated as incurred for purposes of section 1 of the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy Act 2022—
‘(1) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the date of Royal Assent to this Act, publish and lay before Parliament a report on the effect of reducing the amount of the allowance under section 2(3) of the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy Act from 80% to 5%.
(2) The Report must set out projections of the effect of the reduction set out in subsection (1) on domestic and non-domestic energy bills.’
This new clause requires the Secretary of State to produce a report assessing the impact of reducing the investment allowance for oil and gas companies as set out in the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy Act from 80% to 5%, and in particular to assess such a reduction’s impact on domestic and non-domestic bills.
New clause 4—Energy cost support for users of heat networks—
‘(1) The Secretary of State must make energy cost support payments to users of heat networks who will not benefit from the Energy Price Guarantee.
(2) These payments must be at a level which provides such users with a cost reduction equivalent to that received by those benefiting from the Energy Price Guarantee.
(3) These payments must apply from 1st October 2022 and run for two years.’
This new clause would ensure that users of heat networks will receive energy cost support for two years.
New clause 5—Report on support for business after six months—
‘Within one week of the date of Royal Assent to this Act, the Secretary of State must lay before Parliament a statement about the support that will be offered to non-domestic customers in Great Britain and Northern Ireland when the initial six-month period of support has ended.’
This new clause would require the Government to produce a report on support for business after the initial six months one week after the Bill receives Royal Assent.
New clause 6—Impact assessment of a housing decarbonisation scheme—
‘(1) Within six months of the date of Royal Assent to this Act, the Secretary of State must work with the devolved authorities to carry out an assessment of the potential impact of a housing decarbonisation scheme.
(2) The assessment must set out the different impacts of reaching the following Energy Performance Certificate (EPC) ratings—
(a) all domestic properties in the UK to EPC rating “A” by 2030;
(b) all domestic properties in the UK to EPC rating “B” by 2030;
(c) all domestic properties in the UK to EPC rating “C” by 2030.
(3) The assessment must consider the impact of a housing decarbonisation scheme under the different scenarios outlined in subsection (2) on—
(a) average domestic energy bills for households across the Wales, England, Scotland and Northern Ireland;
(b) the number of households living in fuel poverty in Wales, England, Scotland and Northern Ireland;
(c) the Welsh Government’s climate targets;
(d) the UK Government’s climate targets;
(e) the Scottish Government’s Climate Targets;
(f) the Northern Ireland Executive’s Climate Targets.
(4) The impact assessment must be co-authored by—
(a) the UK Government;
(b) the Welsh Government;
(c) the Scottish Government;
(d) the Northern Ireland Executive.
(5) A report on the findings of the impact assessment must be laid before Parliament within three months of its publication.
(6) The Secretary of State must make an oral statement to the House of Commons when any report under subsection (4) is laid.’
This new clause would require the Government to work with the devolved authorities to assess the impact of a UK-wide housing decarbonisation scheme.
New clause 7—Impact assessment of setting the Domestic Energy Price Reduction Scheme at the pre-April Ofgem cap levels—
‘(1) Within one month of the date of Royal Assent to this Act, the Secretary of State must carry out an assessment of the potential impact of using the Domestic Energy Price Reduction Scheme to set domestic energy bills for Scotland, Wales and England at the following levels—
(a) £1,277 for standard-variable tariffs;
(b) £1,309 for pre-payment meters.
(2) The Impact assessment must consider the impact of the policy set out in subsection (1) on—
(a) the number of households living in fuel poverty in Scotland, Wales and England;
(b) the number of children living in relative income poverty in Scotland, Wales and England;
(c) the number of children living in absolute income poverty in Scotland, Wales and England.’
This new clause would require the UK Government to assess the impact of using the price reduction scheme to set energy prices at the pre-April Ofgem cap levels.
New clause 8—Review of forecast and outturn revenue and profits of electricity generators and UK oil and gas producers—
‘(1) The Secretary of State shall, within one month of the passing of this Bill and every six months thereafter, publish an assessment of forecast and outturn revenue and profits of electricity generators and oil and gas producers.
(2) This review must cover all electricity generators as specified in section 16(10) of this Act and all companies carrying on a ringfenced trade as defined in Clause 1 of the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy Act 2022.
(3) This review must consider total revenue and profits from UK production and generation that are forecast in each financial year from 2022/23 until 2025/26, as well as outturn revenue and profits in these years when data becomes available.”
This new clause would require the Government to assess the revenue and profits of electricity generators and oil and gas producers every six months until 2025/26.
New clause 9—Removing regional variation from standing charges—
‘The Secretary of State must make provision to ensure that electricity standing charges are uniform throughout the country, including England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.’
This new clause would end regional variations of electricity standing charges.
New clause 10—Establishment of a domestic home heating oil voucher scheme for households in Northern Ireland—
‘(1) The Secretary of State must establish a domestic home heating oil voucher scheme for households in Northern Ireland.
(2) A “domestic home heating oil scheme for Northern Ireland” is a scheme that makes provision for making voucher payments to households in Northern Ireland to provide either 1000 litres of home heating oil, or a quantity that is substantially consistent with the support offered to domestic gas customers.’
New clause 11—Energy Profits Levy—
‘(1) The Secretary of State must lay before the House an assessment of the additional revenue that would result from the following policy measures—
(a) amending the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy so that it applies to oil and gas profits incurred since 1st October 2021,
(b) removing from the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy allowances for investment in oil and gas extraction,
(c) increasing the rate of the Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy beyond its current level of 25%, and
(d) implementing a windfall tax on the excess profits of coal and gas-fired power stations.
(2) In addition the Secretary of State must lay before the House an official estimate of the oil and gas super profits over the next two years.
(3) The Secretary of State must lay the report no later than 31st October 2022.’
This new clause would require the Secretary of State to lay a report before the House detailing the impact of expanding the government’s Energy (Oil and Gas) Profits Levy.
New clause 12—Energy cost support for off-grid consumers—
‘(1) The Secretary of State must make energy cost support payments to users who are not connected to either the gas or electricity grid and who will not benefit from either the Energy Price Guarantee or Energy Bill Relief Scheme.
(2) These payments must be at a level which provides such users with a cost reduction equivalent to those benefiting from the Energy Price Guarantee.
(3) These payments must apply from 1st October 2022 and run for two years.’
This new clause would ensure those off-grid will receive energy cost support for two years.
New clause 13—Report into effectiveness of energy efficiency programmes in reducing energy costs—
‘(1) The Government must review the impact of energy efficiency programmes in reducing energy costs in accordance with this section and lay a report of that review before the House of Commons within 6 months of the passing of this Act.
(2) A review under this section must consider the impact of—
(a) the number of homes and business properties which have increased their EPC rating,
(b) the number of homes and business properties which have undergone retrofitting programmes, including—
(i) solar panels, and
(ii) replacement of gas boilers,
(c) increases in renewable energy sources, and
(d) public messaging campaigns in changing energy usage habits.’
This new clause would require the Secretary of State to report on the impact of energy efficiency programmes in reducing energy costs.
New clause 14—Fuel poverty impact analyses of provisions of this Act—
‘(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must lay before the House by 31st January 2023 a report assessing the impact of this Act on fuel poverty, taking into account the following two scenarios—
(a) the energy price cap being set at its current level of £2,500, and
(b) the energy price cap being set at £1,971.
(2) A review under this section must consider the impact of the provisions of the Act on—
(a) households at different levels of income,
(b) households in receipt of the Alternative Fuel Payment (that is, not connected to either gas or electricity grid),
(c) households who use heat networks, and
(d) households in rural communities.
(3) A review under this section must include a separate analysis of each separate measure in the Act, and must also consider the cumulative impact of the Act as a whole.’
This new clause would require the Secretary of State to report on the impact of the provisions of the Act on the level of fuel poverty.
New clause 15—Report into the impact of provisions in the Act on the long term viability of the green energy industry—
‘(1) The Government must review the impact of provisions in the Act on the long term viability of the green energy industry.
(2) A review under this section must consider the impact of the Act on—
(a) the likelihood of achieving net zero by 2050, and
(b) creating allowances for investment in green energy.’
This new clause would require the Secretary of State to report on the long term viability of the green energy industry.
New clause 16—Investment in renewables—
‘In exercising the powers under this Act the Secretary of State must seek to ensure that they do not disincentivise investment in renewables.’
This new clause would require the Government not to disincentivise investment in renewables when exercising the powers under this Act.
New clause 17—Calculation of energy and gas prices—
‘The Secretary of State must publish details of how the Government has determined the relative levels of the gas and electricity price reductions brought into effect under the provisions of this Act.’
This new clause would require the Government to explain how it has arrived at the electricity and gas price reductions under the Act.
Manuscript new clause 18— Energy support after April 2023—
‘(1) The Government must lay a report before the House of Commons within 28 days of Royal Assent stating what energy price support it will provide from April 2023 onwards.
(2) The report must also contain—
(a) an estimate of what average domestic energy bills are expected to be in April 2023 if no further support provided;
(b) an estimate of how many households will be classed as being in (a) fuel poverty and (b) extreme fuel poverty if no further support is provided;
(c) what the extension of the universal support scheme for a further—
(i) 6 months;
(ii) 12 months and
(iii) 18 months is estimated to cost; and
(d) what alternative support schemes the Government will introduce to prevent any further increases in fuel poverty and protect the most vulnerable including—
(i) pensioner households,
(ii) those with disabilities and
(iii) those in receipt of benefits.’
This new clause would require the Government to make a report to the House setting out the energy support it will provide from April 2023 onwards.
That schedule 1 be the First schedule to the Bill.
That schedule 2 be the Second schedule to the Bill.
That schedule 3 be the Third schedule to the Bill.
That schedule 4 be the Fourth schedule to the Bill.
That schedule 5 be the Fifth schedule to the Bill.
Amendment 2, in schedule 6, page 36, line 17, after ”may” insert
‘provide for the reduction of the amount charged for domestic electricity supply from 8 September 2022 but’.
This amendment allows the domestic electricity price reduction scheme to begin from 8September 2022.
Amendment 3, in schedule 6, page 36, line 25, after ”may” insert
‘provide for the reduction of the amount charged for domestic electricity supply from 8 September 2022 but’.
This amendment allows the domestic electricity price reduction scheme to begin from 8 September 2022.
Amendment 5, in schedule 6, page 37, line 22, leave out sub-paragraphs (1) to (4) and insert—
‘5 (1) Regulations under section 9(1) and 9(2) must provide for the reduction of charges for electricity supply and for gas supply to last for a period of two years beginning with the operative date.’.
This amendment would require the support for non-domestic electricity and gas users in Great Britain to continue for two years.
Amendment 20, in schedule 6, page 39, line 6, leave out “three years and six months” and insert “two years”.
That schedule 6 be the Sixth schedule to the Bill.
That schedule 7 be the Seventh schedule to the Bill.
We are facing a global energy crisis, which has been exacerbated by Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. This Bill puts support to help people, businesses, charities and the public sector across the UK with their energy bills on a secure legislative footing. It is a vital step in delivering the necessary package of assistance for the whole of the UK. We are putting the Bill through in an expedited way, and I thank His Majesty’s Opposition and other parties for their constructive engagement with us ahead of today. It is important that I put on record what the Bill will do, but I will seek to be brief because a number of Members are keen to speak to their amendments.
Clause1, together with clauses 2 to 8, provides for the establishment in legislation of the energy price guarantee schemes in Great Britain and Northern Ireland for electricity and gas. The EPG represents significant and bold action that will help to protect families from the spiralling cost of energy. This clause provides for the establishment of the EPG schemes and for them to be amended and revoked. For example, the schemes could be amended to change the eligible tariffs or the amount of financial support provided. The GB scheme has been operational from 1 October and delivered through contracts between the Secretary of State and energy suppliers. The Bill will put the scheme on a more secure statutory footing. The House will be aware that the Chancellor’s statement intends to refine the scheme after six months.
Clauses 9 to 12 will introduce a scheme that enables the Government to reduce the charges for electricity and gas supplied by licensed electricity suppliers to eligible non-domestic customers in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. This scheme represents significant and bold action to protect all eligible non-domestic customers, including businesses, charities and the public sector, such as hospitals and schools, from excessively high energy bills over the winter period. Without this intervention, the wider negative effects of this economic pressure would be severe and would materialise very quickly.