Health and Social Care

Debate between Frank Dobson and Jim Shannon

Monday 13th May 2013 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention. I perceive and am of the opinion that companies saw such measures as a loss to their profit margin, and we would like to see what happened in Australia happen here.

The former Health Secretary, the right hon. Member for South Cambridgeshire (Mr Lansley),was quoted in the media saying that the Government did not work with tobacco companies as they wanted them to have “no business” in the UK. Has that changed? The current Health Secretary stated that one of his key priorities is to reduce premature mortality. His call to action on premature mortality commits to a decision on whether to proceed with standard packaging. He also stated:

“Just because something is not in the Queen’s Speech doesn’t mean that the Government cannot bring it forward in law.”

Even at this late stage, may we hear a commitment to bringing forth such a measure in law? If we do, that will be good news and we will welcome it.

Some 10 million adults smoke in the UK and more than 200,000 children start smoking at a very early age. More than 100,000 people die from cancer-related smoking diseases across the UK, which is more than from the next six causes of preventable death put together. The immensity of the number of deaths from smoking cannot be underestimated. Many Members have spoken about that, and I believe the fact we are all saying the same thing is something we should underline.

We cannot remove people’s choice to smoke—that is a decision to be made by any adult—but we can, and must, ensure that everyone knows they are doing harm to themselves and those around them. Evidence that standardised packaging helps smokers quit and prevents young people from taking up the habit and facing a lifetime of addiction is clear, and we should encourage more people to stop smoking and not to become addicted.

[Frank Dobson]

Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the argument sometimes put by defenders of the tobacco industry—usually paid defenders—is that people are exercising free choice? In fact, they are not exercising free choice because they are addicts who took up the addiction when tobacco companies persuaded them to smoke when they were teenagers.

[Jim Shannon]

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that intervention and for clearly underlining the stand we are all taking on this issue. We hope that Ministers will respond positively. I believe that plain packaging is a major step in this informational and educational journey to end smoking, and I ask the Minister to commit today to begin that journey that has been planned for so long.

Another disappointment in last week’s speech was the lack of reference to the minimum pricing of alcohol, although there has been some indication that there may be a change of heart, which we hope will be the case. Last week I was sent a copy of a study containing numerous sources, and there are certainly some shocking statistics. Its findings, among other pertinent points, demonstrate that alcohol is 45% more affordable today than it was in 1980. Men and women can currently exceed the recommended low-risk daily drinking guidelines for £1. That is hard to believe in this day and age, but it is the truth. Data from Canadian provinces suggest that a 10% increase in the average minimum price would result in about an 8% reduction in consumption, a 9% reduction in hospital admissions, and—this is the big one, Mr Deputy Speaker—a 32% reduction in deaths caused wholly by alcohol, which is even higher than the figure suggested in the Government’s impact assessment.

Alcohol Health Alliance UK stated:

“The case for introducing minimum unit pricing is clearer than ever, yet despite committing to the principle of minimum unit pricing, it appears that the Government are going to drop the measure from their alcohol strategy.”

Perhaps Ministers will comment on that, but I sincerely hope it is not the case. Minimum pricing of alcohol is not to ensure that those on low incomes cannot have a drink, but to ensure that people of all incomes are aware how much they are drinking and conscious of the health implications of excessive or binge drinking. When it comes to minimum pricing for alcohol, we can all take note and take advantage of it.

Every year there are 1.5 million victims of alcohol-fuelled violence in the United Kingdom, and it is clear that community safety is threatened by the misuse of alcohol. Police superintendents have advised that alcohol is present in half of all crimes committed, and a 1990 study for the Home Office found that growth in beer consumption was the single most important factor in explaining the growth in crimes of violence against the person. The figures are clear. Statistics show that 37% of offenders had a current problem with alcohol; 37% had a problem with binge drinking; 47% have misused alcohol in the past; and 32% had violent behaviour related to their alcohol use. When we mix young people, who have not had time to develop their moral standards and ideals, with alcohol, we have a generation who are fuelled by the desire to live in the moment, with no thought of the consequences. Alcohol changes personalities, and young people are only learning who they are. Adding alcohol to the mix means that they will never have a good understanding of who they are. A minimum price for alcohol will lessen the number of young people who drink copious amounts of it. Hopefully, it will also mean a lessening of crimes that are aggravated or exacerbated by alcohol.

My third point is on diabetes, which is a ticking bomb in our society. We had a debate on it in Westminster Hall, when the right hon. Member for Leicester East (Keith Vaz) made the point about diabetes and obesity among children. The figures are overwhelming. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland diabetes strategy ended in April, but perhaps the Minister can tonight commit to its continuation. I believe the strategy was working. Had it not had an effect, the figures would be much worse. Even given the strategy, the number of people living with types 1 and 2 diabetes has increased by 33% in Northern Ireland, 25% in England, 20% in Wales, and 18% in Scotland. The numbers are rising. A commitment to the continuation of the strategy would be helpful. The statistics are scary—3.7 million people in the UK are diagnosed with type 2 diabetes. However, we are talking not only about statistics, but about people’s lives. We need to prevent and control as well as we can.

I am aware that the health portfolio is not an easy one. Everybody needs something urgently. I understand the restrictions that apply, but does the Minister understand that the three issues that I and others have raised affect every corner of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland? I believe we could have reform on those issues if the Government put their hand to the plough and disregard all but the health and safety of our population.