Budget Resolutions

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

Monday 2nd November 2026 Commons Chamber

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

I start by thanking my right hon. Friend the Chancellor for the measures that he laid out in his Budget last week, and for his focus on giving my constituents breathing space as we navigate through tough global headwinds. Like him, I pay tribute and offer my thanks to the former Chancellor, my right hon. Friend the Member for Leeds West and Pudsey (Rachel Reeves). It is clear that through her work and clear focus on fiscal discipline, she helped to stabilise the economy, despite the significant headwinds, and to create the headroom that has enabled us to take the positive actions set out in this Budget.

I am lucky to have my office on Leigh Road in Leigh-on-Sea. Along with Leigh Broadway, it is a thriving high street, full of small independent shops and hospitality businesses, including Tiny, a sandwich shop, Juice Bay, which does fantastic smoothies and juices, and Float On Records. They are all new businesses and it is great to see so many new businesses opening despite the challenges we have faced of late. That shows me that there is confidence in our economy and belief in our country. And it is not just in Leigh: Mez, a delicious Turkish restaurant, recently opened in Westcliff—I can vouch for that as I had my dinner there on Saturday.

However, I have listened to businesses in my constituency that tell me that sometimes things can be challenging. That is why I am delighted by the Government’s announcement that more retail, hospitality and leisure businesses will be completely exempt from business rates, meaning that around 52% of those types of business in the east of England will pay absolutely no business rates whatsoever. That is help for businesses. An additional 484 businesses in my constituency will have their business rates frozen in real terms until 2029, giving business owners time to plan ahead, while many others will see their business rates reduced.

When my constituents get home from their days out shopping, they will know that they have support with paying their bills. In addition to extending the 0% rate of VAT on electricity, an enormous 39,520 households in my constituency will benefit from the £100 payment to combat rising energy costs. I know that will help many people, from young families through to pensioners.

Speaking of pensioners, I welcome the excellent news that pensioners on low incomes will not have to pay income tax on their state pension. I am glad to hear the announcement that pensioners who rely solely on their state pension income will get to keep all of it. The Budget also provides the security that comes with knowing that pensions will continue to rise in line with earnings, while the adjusted triple lock will mean we can focus on providing a high-quality national care service.

Finally, I was really glad to hear that self-employed fathers and partners will now get statutory paternity pay. I have personally championed that, alongside many colleagues, and I pay particular tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth North (Amanda Martin) for her work in this area and in championing this cause.

This Budget shows that the Government are listening to people in my constituency and taking action to fix the issues they have raised. The constituents I spoke to at the weekend know that the times that we are in and that we face are difficult, and they are grateful for everything this Government are doing to support them.

Black History Month

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

Thursday 22nd October 2026 Commons Chamber

[Seema Malhotra (Feltham and Heston) (Lab/Co-op)]

It is truly a privilege to speak in this debate during Black History Month—a month that gives us an opportunity to celebrate black history and black achievement, and to reflect honestly on the history that has shaped our country and the work that remains to be done.

Black history is British history. It is the history of people who have contributed to every part of our national life—to our armed forces and our NHS, to our schools and universities, to our communities, to business, culture, politics, science and the arts. It is the story of people who have helped build this country, often in the face of prejudice, racism and discrimination, and whose contributions have not always received the recognition that they deserve. We should remember the generations of black Britons who served this country in times of war and peace. We should remember the Windrush generation and those who have followed—those who came to Britain with hope, determination and a belief in a shared future.

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

My hon. Friend reminds me of my grandad, who came here from British Guiana to serve in the second world war, and my great-grandad, who arrived here from Liberia in 1925 and also served this country in the second world war. Today, people of my colour are made by some to feel like we do not belong in this country, but we have built and we have protected this country. Does she agree that people who deploy that rhetoric are wrong and need to start withdrawing from it?

[Seema Malhotra]

My hon. Friend speaks for all of us when he says that it is time to call this out. It is vital that, as a society and as parliamentarians, we say, “No more”—that what we stand for is a country that is united, and that we will refuse to hear the racism that is now seeking to rewrite history, including the contribution of his forefathers.

I pay tribute to the Windrush Commissioner, Rev. Clive Foster, to Professor Uzo and the Elders in Cardiff, to Ros Griffiths and the Friends of Windrush Square, and to so many other leaders from communities across the UK who work tirelessly to continue to right the wrongs of the Windrush scandal. Let me also thank all at the Black Cultural Archives in Windrush Square for their incredible work—their documentation of history and their approach to education and awareness, from enslavement to abolition, and on medicine, race and activism. I also support the campaigns that we have heard about today for greater inclusion of black people’s stories and histories in our culture and, indeed, our schools.

This month, we also celebrate the extraordinary contribution that black Britons continue to make today. Black History Month is about understanding and appreciating how history has shaped the present, but it is also about the choices that we make now about what kind of country we want to leave for the next generation. I congratulate the Minister on her opening speech, and I am grateful that the debate is being held in Government time. She has been rightly recognised for her contribution in this House and in her community. I want to echo her tributes to the inspirational Lorna Jackson and Professor Jason Arday, and to recognise the important contribution that black people from across our community make and the racism that they experience. I want in particular to mention our black footballers, whom we should recognise; they do us proud every single day.

As we mark 39 years since Black History Month began in Britain, we should recognise the role of black women. Too often, their experiences sit at the intersection of racial and gender inequality, and their achievements receive far less recognition than they deserve. We should celebrate the women who have broken barriers in Parliament, in public life, in business, in education, in our NHS and in our communities. Today, I want to talk about “sistory”—women who did not wait for history to happen; our sisters who made it, and who are still making it.

Last year, I had the privilege to meet two remarkable Bristol bus boycott sheroes, Joyce Morris-Wisdom and Dr Barbara Dettering. Joyce was just 14 when she joined the protests in 1963. More than 60 years later, this remarkable grandmother continues to share her story and inspire new generations. Barbara, originally from Guyana, helped organise the movement, co-founded St Pauls carnival and built lasting community institutions. Their contributions belong to a wider tradition of leadership by black women in Bristol. They include women such as Carmen Beckford MBE, Bristol’s first race relations officer, and Peaches Golding OBE, the UK’s first black female lord lieutenant—different generations of women who have challenged discrimination, built institutions and opened opportunities for those who followed.

These are women who helped challenge Bristol’s colour bar in 1963—the year my father came to the United Kingdom—and contributed to the momentum behind Britain’s first Race Relations Act, under a Labour Government, in 1965. The law was strengthened in 1968 and again in 1976, extending protections against discrimination and strengthening enforcement. Sunday 22 November will mark 50 years since the 1976 Act received Royal Assent.

Madam Deputy Speaker, like you I pay tribute to the Mother of the House, who has been mentioned more than once today. Next year marks 40 years since she was elected as Britain’s first female black Member of Parliament. She was elected alongside Bernie Grant, Paul Boateng and Keith Vaz. These were not simply historic breakthroughs —their influence continues to shape Parliament and Britain today.

I was the first female Punjabi Member of Parliament. I also pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Sagal Abdi-Wali); we were all honoured to help her get elected to the House. I congratulate her on her own first: she is the first Somali Member of Parliament. I note that she, like so many through history, has faced down those who said that she had no right to even be a Member of Parliament. That campaign was a wake-up call to the racism that begins even before a campaign starts. It is for us to say to everyone, whoever they are and whatever their background, that they too, as someone who is proud to be in Britain, have a place in this House.

--- Later in debate ---

[Terry Jermy]

Absolutely. I will come to some more recent examples that are less positive, but I absolutely share my hon. Friend’s sentiment.

Thetford lays claim to being the third oldest mayoralty in the entire country, and our civic history is truly fascinating, so it is particularly noteworthy that Dr Minns became the first black mayor. It is also worth mentioning that Dr Minns’s sister, Ophelia, was later elected on to the town council—at a time when women could not even vote in parliamentary elections. It shows that the Minns family story is part of our wider history of people who contributed to the life of their community at a time when opportunities to participate in public life were far from equal.

Thetford town council pays tribute to Dr Minns’s legacy by showing school groups around our guildhall and introducing them to his story, and like me, they feel amazed and proud. I pay tribute to local councillors such as Annie Blackbourn, Doug Jefferson and Stuart Wright, as well as the staff at Thetford town council, who are working to ensure that there is a statue of Dr Minns on permanent display in Thetford as we approach the 100th anniversary of his death in 2030. Dr Minns’s story reminds us that black history does not exist separately from the history of our towns and villages but is woven into the very fabric of our communities. He was not simply making history by becoming Britain’s first black mayor; he was serving his neighbours, contributing to civic life and helping to shape the future of our community.

[David Burton-Sampson]

Last night, I joined the 1987 Committee, set up by the fantastic Fatima Kamara and her team. As hon. Members can tell from its name, it recognises the year—that historic year—in which the Mother of the House, my right hon. Friend the Member for Hackney North and Stoke Newington (Ms Abbott), entered this House. It aims to help young black people get those opportunities to get involved in politics and in political and public life. Will my hon. Friend join me in congratulating the 1987 Committee on the wonderful work it is doing with young black people to get them into the type of arena that we are in?

[Terry Jermy]

I recognise my hon. Friend’s own trailblazing experience as a fellow Member from the eastern region. I pay tribute to him, and I absolutely congratulate the organisation he mentioned.

It is really important that these achievements are recognised because, sadly, the story of Dr Minns was forgotten. For a while, it was thought that John Archer, the mayor of Battersea, was Britain’s first black mayor, despite being elected 10 years later. We must talk about and recognise these achievements—although I apologise to my hon. Friend the Member for Battersea (Marsha De Cordova)! I hope that mentioning Dr Minns’s story today will help to honour his legacy and highlight the work he did for his community. It is a reminder that democratic public participation belongs to everyone in our communities, and that the contributions of those who came before us should inspire all who follow.

It has been a difficult few months for my constituency, particularly for my home town of Thetford, with the violent protests in my community. I absolutely recognise that among those protesting were people with legitimate concerns about immigration—whether that be public safety or the impact on services—but, sadly, many were motivated by racism, and we must call out and denounce that at every opportunity. I similarly condemn those who fan the flames of extremism, particularly those who do so for political gain. Their actions led to black and minority ethnic members of my community feeling unsafe and living in fear—often the fear of being misidentified as an asylum seeker—which resulted in children of mixed heritage, like my 10-year-old niece, being asked at school if she was an asylum seeker.

We can and must do better than this. The Government, and the Home Office in particular, need to do far more in relation to community cohesion, particularly in areas such as mine that are close to a former military base that has been identified as a possible site to house asylum seekers, and for communities currently concerned about the dispersal policy.

Representation of the People Bill

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

Report stage & 3rd reading
Wednesday 2nd September 2026 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Ms Nusrat Ghani)]

I am reluctant even to mention this, because all the Members here are so highly experienced, but when mentioning another Member in the Chamber, the etiquette is to give them prior warning, so that they have an opportunity to offer a rebuttal in real time.

I am looking for Luke Akehurst, but he is not here, so he has missed his turn.

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

I am extremely grateful for the opportunity to speak in this debate, because at the end of the day, nothing matters more than protecting our democracy. It is the bedrock of our society, and we have got to defend it at all costs. In that spirit, I am delighted to welcome the new Minister to her place. I know she will do a fantastic job.

We need to show that intimidation has no part to play in our public life. This Bill makes provision to ensure that we give protection not only to candidates, campaigners and elected office holders, but to electoral staff. I am sure that many of us in this place can point to times when we have been intimidated while out campaigning. Civil and robust debate is important, but it is very different from intimidatory behaviour. We require changes to keep pace with the changing world we live in and the increasingly digital life that we experience, so I note new clauses 41 to 47, proposed by my hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes Central (Emily Darlington), to prevent online harms. Online harassment or worse is growing exponentially year on year. AI-generated images, deepfakes, disinformation and misinformation being circulated on social media and other forms of online harassment are simply unacceptable. That must be addressed as a matter of urgency for the preservation of Members in this Chamber, particularly women, who suffer even higher levels of abuse.

The spirit of those new clauses is spot on, and I am pleased that the Government are taking these issues seriously through the Online Safety Act 2023 and through the defending democracy taskforce. I am also pleased to see the Government establishing an AI-labelling taskforce, and as the Bill passes through the other place, I hope that the Government will continue their work to further tighten up measures in this area.

For very preservation of public life itself, proposals to mitigate those risks, both online and offline, are absolutely key. We know that only too well in Southend West and Leigh, and our thoughts remain with the families of Sir David Amess, Jo Cox and Ann Widdecombe.

Cleaning up political donations is also vital. One critically important clean-up—we have heard about it today—is of cryptocurrency. I have spoken in this House many times about my interest in financial regulation, and I harbour concerns about the crypto world as it stands today. Rules around the sector need to be watertight before it can be safe to allow contributions to political parties from cryptoassets. Crypto, in my view, has a place in the future of the UK financial system, and there are many in the UK industry who are working hard for tighter, more appropriate regulation to get that moving, but for now, the anonymity in the political donations world is simply not acceptable, as it creates the risk of a significant reduction in transparency. I believe the measures in the Bill to ensure the reliability of such donations are of paramount importance to safeguarding our democracy.

To conclude, I want to confirm that, unlike others, I support bringing forward rules that update measures that give 16-year-olds the opportunity to vote. After all, 16-year-olds can join the armed forces, and they have to pay taxes if they are working. Ultimately, they are the ones who will be most exposed for the longest period to good or bad decisions made by future Governments. We must start crediting our young people with the ability to make up their minds. I have met some incredible young people through work experience in my office, and through my youth days and visits to schools. At my last youth day, 70 pupils—the clear majority, with only two against—were in favour of votes for 16-year-olds. Even the teachers, the people who know the children best, were overwhelmingly positive about the move. The Bill will take us forward into a new age in which young people can have a proper say on their future. Democracy has endured because of its ability to accommodate change, and we are now in a rapidly changing world. The changes we need to make to protect our democracy for years to come are vital.

[Neil Duncan-Jordan (Poole) (Lab)]

It is clear from this debate that the public have lost trust in politics and the political process, and that is linked to them seeing money have an undue influence on the decisions that politicians make. In 2015, just 1% of private donations came from individuals or companies giving £1 million or more. By 2024, that figure had risen to over a third. We have seen the obscene amounts of money that some MPs have made doing second—or even third and fourth—jobs while they are supposed to be representing their constituents. Equally, we know that businesses that donate to political parties are often in line for Government contracts in return. That has got to stop, because if it does not, more than half of all political donations could soon come from just a handful of individuals, leaving elected politicians increasingly reliant on the patronage of a small elite. We will have wealthy individuals and companies with influence over the direction of our country, despite never having won a single election.

New clause 26, in my name, would begin to address those concerns. It would ban political donors from securing government contracts from the Administrations they paid to elect. Over the past 25 years, companies that donated to political parties have secured £60 billion-worth in government contracts, including during the covid era. In the middle of a national crisis, people needed confidence that decisions were made on merit and in the public interest, not shaped by big donors. The Government are quite rightly starting to claim back some of the covid contracts money, but they would also benefit from distancing themselves from those donors who are only interested in the party as a vehicle for achieving their own ends.

In this debate, we are rightly having a wider conversation about our democracy. There is scrutiny of a Westminster-centric political culture in which communities have often been left behind. Redistributing power on the basis of place is one side of the coin, which must go hand on hand with redistributing power on the basis of wealth. According to a recent Oxfam report, the super-rich exert influence in three main ways: buying political influence by funding parties and candidates; gaining direct access to decision makers and institutions; and shaping public opinion to defend elite power. That is why I am supporting amendments to limit donations from harmful lobbying interests and place stronger caps on what wealthy individuals and private companies can give.

English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

2nd reading
Tuesday 2nd September 2025 Commons Chamber

[Sir James Cleverly (Braintree) (Con)]

I beg to move an amendment, to leave out from “That” to the end of the Question and add:

“this House declines to give a Second Reading to the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill, because the Bill does nothing to empower local communities, but instead contains measures reducing the democratically elected representation of communities and enables the Government to impose local government restructuring on communities, irrespective of local opinion, disregarding local geography and identity; because bureaucratic restructuring of local government will cost money and reduce focus on housing delivery with no evidence that it will deliver better services; because the Bill will lead to greater costs for residents by creating new mayoral precepts, increasing borrowing powers, and raising parking charges on motorists, and adding more local bureaucrats as mayoral-appointed commissioners; and because the Bill will result in higher council tax bills for hardworking families, at a time when local government is facing increased costs pressures due to unfunded rises in employers’ National Insurance contributions.”

The English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill—it is a title straight out of the Ministry of Truth. The Bill is not about devolution; it is clearly a blatant power grab by the Deputy Prime Minister—a right hon. Lady for whom I have a huge amount of respect—and her Department. It is not about community empowerment at all; it is about stripping power from local authorities and concentrating it in Whitehall and the hands of the people in Whitehall.

Big Brother would be proud. Centralisation is devolution. Whitehall diktat is community empowerment. The fact that the Bill does the opposite of what it claims is, as we set out in our reasoned amendment, why we cannot give it a free pass. This Bill sidelines communities. This Bill forces restructuring without consent. This Bill wastes money while families are facing higher bills because of Labour’s mismanagement. This Bill disrupts and distracts councils from building the homes that local people need. Those are our objections. That is what we have set out in our reasoned amendment.

If the Government want to win the confidence of this House rather than just shoehorning their Back Benchers through the Division Lobby, they need to justify the demands embedded in the Bill. During the debate and when summing up, I sincerely hope that they answer our questions. Why centralise control? Why raise taxes? Why deny residents their voice? Those are the questions that those on the Treasury Bench need to answer before this Bill can make credible progress through the House.

The case has been set out, but before Members on the Labour Benches get too excited, let me put to bed a few spectres that have been raised. The Conservative party believes in devolution, not just in theory but in practice: we created many of the existing mayoral roles; we created police and crime commissioners; we empowered parish councils and neighbourhood planning; and we gave families the power to block excessive council tax rises. We devolved by consent—by agreement with local leaders—and not by Whitehall diktat.

The simple truth of the matter is that Labour does not and has never believed in devolution, and it does not deliver meaningful devolution. It is a centralising party and it centralises. This Government are abolishing councils without consent and forcing them to sign up to their model of restructuring. They forced the postponement of elections in nine county councils. That was unprecedented. Elections are the foundation of democracy, and denying them undermines public trust and confidence. In truth, denying residents their democratic voice was done for a very specific reason. It was done because Labour feared what people would say to it at the ballot box.

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

The right hon. Gentleman has just listed a load of things that the Tories did with devolution. He cannot deny that the reason we need devolution and local government reorganisation is because his Government significantly underfunded local government, which is now on its knees. We therefore have to take action to get local government back in a good place, and devolution and local government reform is one of those actions.

[Sir James Cleverly]

I think the hon. Member said the quiet bit out loud: this is about putting up taxes on local people. That is what this legislation is fundamentally about; we know that to be true. I promise the House that I did not tee up that intervention—it was the next bit in my speech. Labour, by imposing this restructuring from the centre, is leaving local people without a voice. This legislation is about creating what this Government want, which is a cohort of subservient Labour mayors.

Let us look at what Labour mayors actually deliver—as I say, this speech was written before the previous intervention. Labour mayors put up taxes. Labour mayors increase the tax burden on local people. The Liverpool city region—up by 26%; Greater Manchester—up by 8%; West Yorkshire—up by 6%; and London, since Sadiq Khan took office in 2016—up by over 70%. Labour Members are quiet now, aren’t they? The truth hurts.

Oral Answers to Questions

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

Wednesday 18th June 2025 Commons Chamber

The Minister for Women and Equalities was asked—

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

1. What steps she is taking to ban conversion practices.

[Jessica Toale (Bournemouth West) (Lab)]

14. What steps she is taking to ban conversion practices.

[The Minister for Equalities (Dame Nia Griffith)]

Let me be clear: conversion practices have no place in today’s society, and this Government are committed to bringing forward trans-inclusive legislation to ban these outdated and abusive acts. This is a complex issue that we want to get absolutely right. We are working hard to publish later in this Session draft legislation that offers protection from these harmful practices while also preserving individuals’ freedom to explore their identity with appropriate support.

[David Burton-Sampson]

Since the Supreme Court ruling, many trans people have felt discrimination and a loss of their rights despite still being protected under the Equality Act 2010. I am pleased to hear that the Government are bringing forward a trans-inclusive conversion therapy ban, but what else will the Minister do to ensure that trans people know they belong in our society and are valued?

[Dame Nia Griffith]

I can indeed assure my hon. Friend that our draft legislation on conversion practices will be trans-inclusive. It is crucial that trans people are safe, included, and protected from harm and discrimination. More widely, this Government are actively working on other manifesto commitments to strengthen services and protections for trans people, including ensuring that all trans people receive appropriate and high-quality healthcare, and equalising all strands of hate crime.

Coastal Communities

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

Thursday 20th March 2025 Commons Chamber

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

Today I want to talk about the wonderful, world-renowned cockling industry in Southend West and Leigh. Forgive me if this sounds a bit niche, but I am sure the House will agree that industries such as cockling are important to all of us in coastal communities—to preserve our heritage and cultural identity, boost tourism, and increase prosperity and employment.

Leigh-on-Sea has been synonymous with cockling for—wait for it—1,000 years. The industry is a vital part of Leigh-on-Sea’s heritage, with the old town’s cockle sheds serving as a reminder of its maritime past and a huge boost to our tourism sector. The North Thames cockle fishery, which is one of the oldest in Europe, has implemented measures such as seasonal operations and total allowable catch levels to ensure the sustainability of cockle stocks, and it was given a Maritime Stewardship Council’s sustainability award in 2019. It is a perfect example of sustainable fishing.

However, there are issues that need to be addressed, as I heard from our fifth-generation firm of cocklers, Osborne’s fishmongers. I was told that people in this country do not eat much shellfish, especially the younger generation. This is not a trade that we want to die out, and I support initiatives such as Seafood in Schools and Fish Heroes. The cockling industry in Leigh-on-Sea brings significant economic benefits to the local community, but it faces several challenges. Its representatives have told me that increased pressure to operate more efficiently and sustainably requires long-term investment. After the new cockling licences were finally passed by Parliament following delays in the previous Parliament, Osborne’s and others would like to see their individual licences granted.

Preserving local industries, such as cockling in Leigh-on-Sea, is vital for coastal communities. We must continue to support them.

English Devolution and Local Government

David Burton-Sampson Excerpts

Wednesday 5th February 2025 Commons Chamber

[Angela Rayner]

We are working with local areas using a bottom-up approach to delivering better public services. The right hon. Gentleman’s party pushed local authorities and local government to the brink. He should be apologising, talking to Members on his Front Bench, and getting on board by supporting devolution and local government reorganisation where it delivers for his constituents.

[David Burton-Sampson (Southend West and Leigh) (Lab)]

I thank the Deputy Prime Minister for her statement. I am excited that Essex, including Southend, will be part of the priority programme. I am keen that local areas should keep their local identity, so will she give us some assurances on that? With regard to opposition to local reorganisation, devolution and postponing the elections, the Tories on Essex county council are fully supportive of our programme. Will she provide assurances that delaying the elections is right for democracy and for the taxpayer, because it will save funds in areas where local authorities will not exist in several months’ time?

[Angela Rayner]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right; there is no point having elections to a body that will not exist in 12 months’ time. That would cost huge sums of taxpayers’ money, which, quite frankly, is not warranted. He is also absolutely right to recognise that the Conservatives in Essex were the ones to come forward. I commend them for that, and for wanting to reorganise and see better services and power put into their local area. On his point about local identity, that will absolutely be the case. I am a Mancunian, but I am also from Tameside. Having a mayor and being part of the combined authority has not stopped Tamesiders being proud of our local area.