Bradford & Bingley plc

Craig Whittaker Excerpts

Wednesday 27th November 2013 Westminster Hall

[Craig Whittaker (Calder Valley) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to speak in the debate under your chairmanship, Mr Betts. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley (Philip Davies) for securing this important debate on behalf of thousands of Bradford & Bingley investors. It finally gives us an opportunity to speak up for those among our constituents—and there are many in Calder Valley—who have been affected by the nationalisation.

The issue has perplexed and bemused many of my constituents who bought shares in the company in a rights issue in 2008, only eight weeks before the Government of the day nationalised it. They bought shares not because they were high rollers who invest in the stock market to make a quick buck, but because many of them are shrewd pensioners who thought they were making safe, long-term investments for their future in retirement. One might say, “Well, if you invest in the stock market, you should be aware of the risks. You should expect the peaks and troughs and be prepared to take the rough with the smooth.” Every one of my constituents who contacted me from Calder Valley has highlighted that very point; but they have gone on to say that the balance sheets of the bank were good, and were definitely in a stronger position than those of many banks that the Government of the day decided to bail out.

One might also argue, as Lord King did a year ago, that it was Britain’s faulty banking accounting rules that failed investors. My constituents would argue that in that case the same faulty rules applied to all banks. Even so, the Bradford & Bingley was still showing a stronger balance sheet than many of the banks that were bailed out. We know that from the banking crisis post mortem published by the Local Authority Pension Fund Forum.

It seems ludicrous that within eight weeks of the bank’s rights issue in 2008, the Government nationalised it. It is even more staggering that within days they provided a further £60 billion of support to two Scottish banks that had weaker balance sheets than the Bradford & Bingley. As my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley mentioned, his constituents, like mine, and thousands of other investors from west Yorkshire and beyond, believe that the decision to nationalise the Bradford & Bingley was a flawed one, made in haste and not consistent with the treatment given to other banks.

How must those investors feel, after the revelations of the past week about low-cost loans secured by a political party and party political donations from yet another failed bank, whose chairman is disgraced? How must they feel when they read the allegations that the Royal Bank of Scotland, one of the very Scottish banks bailed out by the previous Government, forced some customers out of business? Only yesterday I presented the Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills with clear evidence of an attempt to do just that to the business of one of my constituents. How would you feel, Mr Betts, if you had invested in an organisation that was treated totally differently from other banks that have failed or are failing, I expect you would feel pretty miserable and furious. I expect you would feel abandoned by the previous Government and helpless before the current Government, who seem unwilling to launch an inquiry.

Perhaps I can sum up those feelings in the words of a 65-year-old Calder Valley resident who invested for his retirement. He wrote to me:

“after being encouraged by the Bradford & Bingley rights issue in 2008 I was staggered at the nationalisation that took place only eight weeks later. Since the mortgage books are now in good health the treatment that I have received as a member of the public in 2013 with all of the talk of honesty and transparency does nothing to help me explain to my grandchildren why they should be good members of society. Especially when their role models in government have behaved so atrociously personally with regard to their use of public money for their own ends, in ensuring the protection of our societal structures and in taking accountability for establishing the truth about many travesties that have taken place over the last few decades.”

[Mr Philip Hollobone (Kettering) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on his impressive speech. The opening remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley (Philip Davies) were equally impressive. My constituent, John, a forestry worker on low agricultural wages, was bequeathed 2,400 Bradford & Bingley shares by his late father. They were worth about £11,000 and are now effectively worthless. We talk about the billions of pounds that have gone into saving some of Britain’s banks. However, in the case of the Bradford & Bingley, ordinary people lost sums that to them were very large, although they are inconsequential compared with the billions that the former Prime Minister and Chancellor doled out at the time.

[Craig Whittaker]

My hon. Friend is right. Many small investors, not just in Calder Valley but around the country, lost hard-earned cash that they had saved all their lives to invest in what they hoped would be a better future in retirement. That is exactly what I am talking about. My constituent whose words I quoted, Mr Anthony Ottery, suffered in exactly the same way as John did.

Mr Ottery’s comments are a small sample of the feelings of many of my constituents who feel badly let down by what happened. It does not help that many questions remain unanswered. People have struggled, as my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley said, to get the information through freedom of information requests. The Bradford & Bingley action group seems to be thwarted at every turn. There are, as my hon. Friend also noted, three key questions that remain unanswered. What was the exact reason for the expropriation of the company? Should the rights issue have been permitted to proceed, and were shareholders wrongly induced to subscribe to it? Finally, were the comments of the directors and the investor relations department about the strength of the company, made only days before nationalisation, at best misleading and possibly untrue?

When, to coin the phrase of my hon. Friend, a Government confiscate the property of their citizens without reason, explanation or compensation—particularly when they have a duty of care to those citizens—surely that alone is a reason to call for an inquiry into what happened. Governments can call inquiries—there are currently three on Co-op bank matters. Surely the citizens who cannot get answers with respect to the failed Government who failed to regulate the banking industry and took away their assets should at least be given those answers and an inquiry into the seeming scandal of the Bradford & Bingley.

On behalf of my constituents in Calder Valley and thousands of investors in west Yorkshire and beyond, I join my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley in asking the Minister for an inquiry into what happened at the Bradford & Bingley.

--- Later in debate ---

[Cathy Jamieson]

I appreciate the hon. Gentleman’s comments. He has been a powerful advocate on behalf of his constituents, and I am sure that he will have other questions, but it is important to understand the context. The then Treasury director general wrote in the March 2012 “Review of HM Treasury’s management response to the financial crisis”:

“The Treasury drew on the experience of nationalising Northern Rock to resolve subsequent failing financial institutions, such as Bradford & Bingley, more quickly and decisively.”

That suggests that people thought not only that it was the right decision, but that action had to be taken quickly to avoid further damage to savers and the wider economy.

[Craig Whittaker]

In light of what the hon. Lady has just said, will she enlighten us as to why Bradford & Bingley was treated entirely differently from other banks, some of which received more than £60 billion in taxpayer money only a short time later?

[Cathy Jamieson]

I said at the beginning that I was sure that hon. Members would be disappointed that I would not be able to describe the day-to-day dealings of the previous Government. I am looking at the case on the basis of the information currently available.

The role of the European Commission was also mentioned. The Competition Commissioner has said:

“The Bradford & Bingley decision illustrates once again the positive contribution of EU state aid policy to ensuring orderly and effective solutions to tackle the financial crisis. The UK authorities’ market-oriented solution has avoided any disproportionate distortions of competition while enabling the preservation of the viable parts of the business.”

At the time, people seemed to be of the belief that the correct decision was made. It was not easy, but it was taken in good faith and because people thought that it was the right thing to do.

Investing in Britain’s Future

Craig Whittaker Excerpts

Thursday 27th June 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

My hon. Friend the Financial Secretary, who is also responsible for cities policy within the Treasury, will be pleased to meet the hon. Gentleman to discuss precisely those concerns.

[Craig Whittaker (Calder Valley) (Con)]

Constituents in the Calder Valley who cannot get flood insurance for their homes and businesses after the three devastating floods that we experienced last summer have contacted my office. Can my right hon. Friend tell the people of Calder Valley, after the announcements today, how long they will have to wait before the initial proposals become actual proposals, and when all of them will be able to get flood insurance and at an affordable price?

[Danny Alexander]

The existing statement of principles, which was due to expire this month, will be continued for the next year or so until this arrangement is fully in place. I hope the hon. Gentleman will welcome the long-term commitment to capital investment in flood defence, which of course will be of benefit to his constituents, along with those of many other hon. Members.

Static Caravans (VAT)

Craig Whittaker Excerpts

Thursday 26th April 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Stuart]

That would be consistent, because the qualities of a mobile caravan are completely different from those of a static caravan or a house. What are static caravans used for? They are second homes. Someone who buys a £240,000 cottage in one of the rural areas represented by my colleagues, which often means pricing out local workers, will pay tax of 1%, whereas it is proposed that someone who buys a static caravan for £24,000, a tenth of that amount, should pay 20%— 20 times as much—on a home that is used for precisely the same purposes. That is not getting rid of an anomaly, as Treasury civil servants originally suggested; it is creating an anomaly.

[Craig Whittaker (Calder Valley) (Con)]

BCA Leisure is a large company in the Calder valley. It does not employ thousands of people, but it does employ a couple of hundred. It does not own caravan parks or manufacture caravans; it produces parts that supply the caravan trade. The chief executive officer tells me that the proposed measure will deal a huge blow to his company and to other employers in the Calder valley. Does my hon. Friend agree that it will be devastating not only to the tourism industry, but to manufacturing?

[Mr Stuart]

My hon. Friend is right.

Solar Power and Feed-in Tariffs

Craig Whittaker Excerpts

Tuesday 29th March 2011 Westminster Hall

[Alex Cunningham]

Indeed I do. The industry was excited by the scheme that was put in place by the previous Labour Government. It saw real possibilities. I will go on to talk about jobs and the effects that the industry has had in Germany.

[Craig Whittaker (Calder Valley) (Con)]

On the point about uncertainty, I accept what has been said, but does the hon. Gentleman not agree that the REA, 165 of whose member companies are from the solar PV technology industry, has come out firmly and said that the review is the first step in a process that should ultimately end all uncertainty around these schemes?

[Alex Cunningham]

I do not think that the process will end any uncertainty. We will simply be saying to people, “Look, just walk away, because it won’t be financially viable for you to develop the sorts of project that you have in mind.” The Government policy is wrong. We need to ensure that the incentives are in place to develop these projects.

In Herefordshire, work is under way on a 300 kW installation on farm buildings that will not be viable when the new tariffs come into effect. Similarly, the UK’s first ever community-owned solar power station is due to be launched in Lewes in April and is expected to save more than 40 tonnes of carbon dioxide annually. Without the feed-in tariff, that development, to be built on the roof of a warehouse, will not go ahead either, as it is 100 kW in size.

--- Later in debate ---

[Alex Cunningham]

Indeed. The hon. Lady arrived late, and that was the very example I used when I opened my speech.

The fact is that we face a predicted energy gap in 2017, with power cuts anticipated for the first time since the 1970s. I am told that DECC had a taste of things to come last Thursday, when it was subjected to its own power cut, which meant that officials were unable to print important briefing notes for Ministers ahead of DECC questions on the Floor of the House. Perhaps that is why the Minister of State, Department of Energy and Climate Change, the hon. Member for Bexhill and Battle (Gregory Barker), was so badly prepared for questions that day and used the rather shabby comparison with Germany’s tariff scheme when seeking to defend the changes his Department has announced. He said:

“Community-based projects that are larger than 50 kW…and up to 150 kW…will still get a tariff comparable to that paid in Germany.”—[Official Report, 24 March 2011; Vol. 525, c. 1068.]

[Craig Whittaker]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Alex Cunningham]

No, I have to finish.

The fact is that Germany’s solar industry is far more developed than ours. It has taken the Germans 10 years to build their industry, which employs 65,000 people, and they now have massive purchasing power and control supply chains. That enables them to undercut British construction companies by more than 25%. Indeed, solar generation in Germany exceeded nuclear generation for the first time just last week. The UK is a long way behind Germany, which is why we need to maintain effective feed-in tariffs if we are to have any hope of maximising the potential of this popular technology.

I hope that I have been able to outline the concerns in the renewable industry about not only the changes to the feed-in tariff, but the Government’s reluctance to acknowledge the real potential of solar energy. The decision to make medium-sized solar PV developments above 50 kW unviable is frankly bonkers. It is clear that the Chancellor, not the Energy Secretary, is dictating DECC policy, because the arguments put forward by Ministers for this shift in policy make no sense to those I have been in contact with in the renewables industry.

The fact is that this decision is dictated by the Treasury, not DECC. The spending review committed to finding £40 million—10%—of savings from the feed-in tariffs. We all know that the Tory-led Government are cutting too far and too fast—[Laughter.] We all get that in. The fact that the Government are cutting too far and too fast was made clear this weekend, when 250,000 people took to the streets of London to protest against the scale and pace of the cuts. The provisions we are discussing are one more victim of that ideologically driven policy.

We were told this would be the “greenest government ever”, but I think that that will be added to their growing list of broken promises, given that energy policy is now being dictated by the Treasury. It is time for the Government to admit they have got this one very wrong, choked off many schemes at birth, turned enthusiastic potential developers away, broken promises to the industry, lost the opportunity to create thousands of jobs and set back our chances of ever meeting our renewable energy targets. I hope to get an assurance today that the Government will start listening to the industry and the many others who will doubtless respond to the consultation on feed-in tariffs, as well as to organisations such as the Norton sports complex.

In summary, I would like to pose three questions. First, how do the Government propose to restore confidence in their renewable policy, which has been severely shaken thanks to the shambolic way in which the decision on feed-in tariffs has been handled? Secondly, what is the Government’s long-term vision for solar PV? Evidence from other countries demonstrates that it has the potential to play a significant part in renewable energy provision, yet the Government’s policy is geared towards sidelining it as a purely domestic, small-scale technology. We are not being ambitious enough when it comes to solar PV. Finally, will the Government promise today to listen to the industry during the consultation, because it is very angry about this unexpected change in policy? Will they then act to ditch that ridiculous change in policy? If not, they risk alienating not only the solar sector, but the whole renewables sector.