Transparency of Lobbying, Non-Party Campaigning and Trade Union Administration Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateBaroness Thomas of Winchester
Main Page: Baroness Thomas of Winchester (Liberal Democrat - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Baroness Thomas of Winchester's debates with the Attorney General
(10 years, 11 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, very briefly, we are much indebted to my noble friend Lord Horam for what he said. He has clearly demonstrated admirable restraint during this Bill, knowing—as he has now made clear—that the Electoral Commission was far from happy and that he, as a member of that commission, shared at least some of that unhappiness.
This is an object lesson in how not to do things. I warmly commend my noble friend and my noble and learned friend—the brace of Lord Wallaces—for all they have done to make a very bad Bill palatable. They have exercised infinite patience, great care and unfailing courtesy, and we should all be extremely grateful for that. But that does not absolve the Government from blame for bringing in a Bill of this complexity in this way. I have said before, and will say again for the final time on this Bill, that if ever a Bill cried out for pre-legislative scrutiny it was this one. I sincerely hope that that lesson has been learned and that in future complex Bills of this nature, touching as they do on constitutional and parliamentary issues, will have the benefit of pre-legislative scrutiny. We have had a series of patch, make-do and mend amendments, many of them introduced by the noble and learned Lord, Lord Wallace, himself. I repeat: we are grateful for that, but that is not a substitute for a carefully drawn-up Bill that really meets a need.
My noble friend Lord Horam touched on the complexity of the Bill. Legislation should be readily understandable by those to whom it applies. When one brings in a whole range of new provisions that many of the bodies with which the noble and right reverend Lord, Lord Harries, has been involved never anticipated, they really should have the benefit of consultation. We now have placed before us what is a bit of a catch-all, Henry VIII clause. In principle I do not like Henry VIII clauses, but I concede that in this particular Bill something like it is probably necessary.
I am grateful to my noble and learned friend for responding so positively to the suggestion I made earlier about a round-table conference. That is good and he rightly said in that context that he wanted to go beyond the Electoral Commission. It is also very necessary that there are detailed discussions with the Electoral Commission directly. I suggest those involve leaders of the Opposition, too, because this Bill is likely to last quite a long time. As it is worked through, we need to make sure that all—or most of—the things we have said we feared do not come to pass.
My final words on the Bill in this House are that this has been an interesting exercise. I do not believe that we have produced something truly worthy of the important subject, but I agree with my noble friend Lord Horam that we have been able to demonstrate the value of this House in making a very bad Bill palatable in the way we have.
My Lords, I dip the tiniest of toes into the waters of this Bill, not as chair of the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee but as somebody who knows a tiny bit about Henry VIII clauses, just to reassure noble Lords that this kind of power is well precedented and here it is very narrowly drawn. The House need not worry that the Government are in some way exceeding their powers or doing something they should not on this occasion. That is all I wish to say on this, but it has been very instructive to sit here and listen to the last few hours of debate on the Bill.
My Lords, my noble friend Lady Thomas of Winchester said, with typical modesty, that she had only a tiny knowledge, but she has more knowledge than most of us present in the House put together on the subject of Henry VIII clauses. I entirely endorse what she said. In fact, I do not think this is a Henry VIII clause because of its very limited impact. I think it is more, in terms of longevity, like an Edward VI clause, as Henry VIII ruled for quite a long time whereas Edward VI ruled for a relatively short time. It is more likely that that is the more appropriate historical analogy. As my noble friend just said, the power is only about consequential provisions; it includes the affirmative procedure; it is effectively sun-setted, because it is limited to the general election; and it is well precedented.
My noble friend Lord Cormack said just now that these were his final words on the Bill. He presumably assumes that the other place tomorrow will accept all our amendments or produce amendments in lieu that are so acceptable all over your Lordships’ House that we do not return to the Bill again. Let me be as optimistic as he is, just for a minute, and assume that that is the case. I therefore want to place on record my gratitude and congratulations to noble friends all around the House who have done some hugely important work on what I think is now a much better Bill and a necessary Bill. I am not sure that everybody in the House agrees with that, but I certainly said at Second Reading that I thought it was necessary and it certainly has improved.
I really think that we owe a very considerable debt to the Wallace duet. Ministers in the other place should perhaps take lessons from the way in which they have responded to very important proposed improvements to this Bill, which leaves this place in a much better state than when it arrived and that is very much to their credit. I am grateful to them for the way in which they consulted many Members of your Lordships’ House.
I think the noble and right reverend Lord, Lord Harries, would agree that the engagement of a large number of other people outwith the Westminster bubble—outside Parliament—in this process was actually a plus for your Lordships’ House. We must recognise that they were stirred by concerns and anxieties that were very real. I wish it would happen on many other occasions with many other legislative proposals. We may need to build on that in future. Perhaps it may be that those organisations will take more notice in future of the way in which your Lordships’ House scrutinises legislation, and that must be to the good reputation of Parliament as a whole.
I am glad that I have had the opportunity to contribute at all stages of this Bill and I welcome the way it is now leaving this House. That is due not only to the assiduous way in which many Members of the House contributed to these debates but to the engagement of a large number of others outside the House. That is a good result.