Disabled Students’ Allowance.

Baroness Hayter of Kentish Town Excerpts

Monday 2nd November 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Hayter of Kentish Town (Lab)]

I too thank the noble Lord, Lord Addington, for securing this debate, which gives us the chance to hear from the Government whether they really are committed not just to maintaining but to increasing the chances for disabled people to go to university, as suggested by the noble Baroness, Lady Thomas. It is perhaps more important for disabled people to go to university, as throughout life this will help their development and the contribution they can make to their own and others’ lives. Indeed, they seem to be better able to make the most of the opportunity, even though most of course get DSA at well below the maximum levels, the average being just over £2,000.

Disabled students who get DSA are more likely to graduate, and with a first or 2.1, than disabled students without the grant. Perhaps more surprising is that students with DSA are slightly more likely to graduate, and with a good degree, than non-disabled students, so it is a high return on a small investment. However, the proposed changes to DSA have worrying implications, partly because of the variation between institutions in attracting disabled students. While almost 7% of full-time undergraduates get DSA, this varies from 2% to 30% across different universities. In 60 universities, the percentage exceeds the average, with more than 10% of students being disabled in 24 of them. The higher numbers tend to be in modern universities with the best record of widening access.

As has been mentioned, part-time participation is particularly vital. Just last week, the Higher Education Policy Institute showed the role that part-time education plays in boosting productivity, contributing to economic growth and driving social mobility. As the noble Baroness, Lady Garden, has said, it is the Open University which supports more disabled students than any other, showing the importance of its part-time and open access to this group of students. But these very numbers, and the OU’s dedication to widening access, mean that any reduction in DSA or indeed in student opportunity allocation which is based on it, will have drastic implications for disabled people seeking to improve their employability and life experience through study and qualification.

That brings us to the problem of moving responsibility for DSA from HEFCE to the individual university without transferring the funds. The only way forward will be for universities to have to rob Peter, in this case non-disabled fee-paying students, to pay Paul, disabled students. It also means, self-evidently, that those universities which have done the most to attract and cater for disabled students will be penalised the most, with significant burdens on those with the highest proportion of disabled students, often the smaller ones or conservatoires, as described so movingly by my noble friend Lord Lipsey. More than that, given that the separate institutional funding for disabled students through HEFCE’s student opportunity fund depends on the number of DSA claimants at the institution, a change in DSA numbers would affect that overall level of support or else its distribution. Could I therefore ask the Minister whether she expects funding through the student opportunity fund to a university to decrease should the number of DSA recipients decline? Furthermore, since BIS is an unprotected department with regard to government funding, how important does she consider this element of BIS expenditure to be?

The particular government approach, that of basing future payments on Equality Act definitions, is also problematic, with much turning on the definition of what “reasonable adjustments” for the individual are to be made, possibly leading to disputes between students and their colleges. There may be uncertainty at the point of applying or in the early days of study, and possibly the need for court definitions, and importantly, variation between institutions as some may be more generous in interpretation than others. Under the proposed new arrangements each individual student will have to negotiate the package of measures they get from their particular university. In contrast to what happens at present where there is a statutory framework there will be no overarching agreements, so where will the statutory rights be located and what rights will the individual student have?

There is a risk that the DSA changes could leave universities without sufficient investment to support disabled students throughout the whole of their course, particularly in exactly those places which have done most to open up opportunities for disabled people. There is a very real risk of uncertainty, particularly for those eligible to apply from January, by which time they really need to know exactly what help will be available to them for the next three years. Can the Minister therefore tell the House whether the Government have assessed the cumulative impact of changes in funding to understand the effect on students and on each institution? What estimate have they made of the financial impact on institutions of passing some of the DSA responsibility to them? And, most importantly, what thought has been given to the potential consequences of moving from central to institutional funding for disabled students in creating what I called a perverse incentive and what my noble friend Lord Lipsey said was a disincentive on universities, possibly discouraging them from making a real effort to increase disabled people’s participation?

As the noble Lord, Lord Addington, said, not all dyslexics are the same. He is living proof of that. As a tribute to him and the work he has done I think the Government should not only take forward their support but also increase the ability of disabled students to play a full part in their own lives by getting to university.