Ukraine

Baroness Goldie Excerpts

Friday 31st October 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Goldie (Con)]

My Lords, I thank the Government for tabling this debate and the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, for his powerful, passionate and clear introduction to it. This debate is timely for three reasons. It enables the political presence in the United Kingdom, so articulately described by the Minister, to show a continuing united front against President Putin’s illegal war in Ukraine. That powerful unity of purpose and resolve is very important. The debate facilitates an informed discussion among Members across this Chamber, with the wealth of experience that they reflect, to offer thoughts, opinions and ideas. Prominent among them is the noble Lord, Lord Barrow, to whose maiden speech we eagerly look forward. We will certainly be very interested to hear his contribution.

Perhaps most importantly, this debate is our opportunity to send a clear and uncompromising message to President Putin that the United Kingdom stands against bullies, has always stood against bullies and will always do so. We know the peril of appeasement; the facile delusion that you can do business with a bully; the fatal misapprehension that the bully is well intentioned towards his enemy, when the bully’s only interest is himself and the clinical and ruthless advancement of his illegal and brutal agenda. The United Kingdom sees that clearly, and I pay tribute to the Government for their steadfast support of Ukraine.

It is clear from the coalescence of support around Ukraine, whether from European neighbours who see President Putin for what he is, the coalition of the willing being progressed by the Prime Minister, or the more formal activity being pursued through NATO, that this continuing threat posed by President Putin to Europe must be primarily addressed by Europe. Of course, we welcome the continuing and vital support of the United States, but the responsibility falls on us and our European friends to demonstrate that we can step up to the plate and pay our way. European and western Atlantic security is our joint responsibility. We have to guard it, we have to fight off any challenge to it, and we have to be visibly determined in our resolve to do that.

For that strategy to be delivered, I suggest that in relation to Ukraine we need three things: greater clarity, perhaps, about the shape of the short term; the planning and resource necessary to sustain the medium term; and an outline of the longer term, in relation to both the rebuilding of Ukraine and the broader construct of Euro-Atlantic security.

Taking the short term first, we—the United Kingdom and our allies—must continue to supply Ukraine with what she needs to defend herself, and that includes training, so I was very encouraged to hear the Minister’s comments on that. On the broader front, when she responds, will the Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, say whether there is clarity across the piece about who is supplying what, how this is being co-ordinated and whether we can have, perhaps in written form, an update on what UK military assets are currently being provided—although I accept the noble Lord has been very explicit about part of that supply? In her response, can the Minister confirm that in the supply of weaponry there is clarity that for Ukraine to respond proportionately to this illegal invasion, she must be free to target the locations within Russia being used for hostile attacks on Ukraine? Implicit within this is the political will to fund in a stable and predictable manner our UK defence capability. When dealing with such an overt threat to our security, the Prime Minister must provide that leadership, supporting his Chancellor and requiring the Treasury to fund to the levels necessary. It is so axiomatic that I do not expect the Minister to comment, other than to observe that if there is any hesitancy in providing such leadership, the only person clapping his hands with glee will be President Putin.

Moving to the medium term, if President Putin is recalcitrant, the supply of military assets must continue. We also need to audit, both as a country and with allies, the effect of sanctions on Russia. After this length of time, it must be possible to have a reasonably accurate measurement of the consequences of these sanctions. I appreciate that the Minister may not have detailed information to hand, and I am very happy for her to confirm that by letter. If, as is widely understood, sanctions are having a savage effect on the Russian economy, there needs to be a concerted coms strategy by us and our allies to get that message through to the Russian people. This has been discussed before— I remember the matter arising when I was a Defence Minister—but if the Minister can update the House on any progress, that would be helpful.

Looking to the longer term, that projection must embrace what is necessary to rebuild Ukrainian infrastructure. What is required to reinstate a functioning economy, and what political reforms are necessary to facilitate these objectives? It is clear that some excellent work is already being done, and the noble Lord the Minister referred to the contribution from the United Kingdom. Elsewhere, Hope for Ukraine, based in the United States, has a comprehensive programme to assist. The EU, through the EBRD, the European Investment Bank and the European Commission, has provided a total of €30 million to help Ukraine prepare large-scale infrastructure projects and, apparently, more funding is due from EU countries and donors. Can the Minister give us a more detailed update on what the UK is doing on this front? In aggregate across the overall contribution of support, we are not sure what that map looks like. How is macroeconomic support being given to Ukraine? Is it international loans and international financial guarantees? Is there, for example, a workable basis for the operation of commercial insurance indemnity across a range of commercial activity? I look forward to the Minister’s response on these specific issues.

Turning to what political reforms may be required within Ukraine, corruption in that country is sadly unarguable. Everything that the allies and friends of Ukraine are prepared to do to help carries a reciprocal obligation by Ukraine to fix what is bad. Without that explicit recognition from Ukraine, there can be no confidence among the international community that it is worthwhile providing help. This is serious. It gets to the heart of what we want a post-conflict Ukraine to look like. I suggest that Ukraine has to tackle judicial corruption. There are ongoing issues with judicial appointments and a lack of trust in the courts. There is war-related corruption. The ongoing conflict has apparently created new avenues, such as, we understand, officials demanding bribes for leave or diverting foreign aid meant for the front lines. There appears to be top-level and systemic corruption. That includes issues with state contracts and the influence of oligarchs, who, we understand, remain a problem that hinders foreign investment and economic growth.

It would appear thatsqueeze-col3 any progress in addressing this is glacial, particularly where large interests and big players are involved, such as natural resource extraction and large infrastructure projects. Will the Minister confirm what the United Kingdom is doing, either alone or with partners, to provide advice and support to Ukraine to try to help tackle these serious problems? Is it possible to provide any in-country support and advice? If there is any update she can provide to the House about progress on these essential reforms, that would be very welcome.

I conclude, as I started, with appreciation that this debate is taking place. I have endeavoured to encourage thinking across a time period about what is required as this conflict progresses. I have tried to be constructive and, I hope, conciliatory in suggesting positive proposals, but not shying away from what, under no circumstances, this Government should shy away from: the paramount obligation, for the safety of us all, to secure stable and predictable funding for defence. I look forward to hearing contributions from Members. I very much look forward to listening to the noble Baroness the Minister’s response. I end with the most important observation: His Majesty’s Opposition will support the Government’s continuing support for Ukraine.