(6 years, 6 months ago)
Ministerial CorrectionsLast year, I met Redress, which has been mentioned already, to discuss not just this case but that of Andy Tsege. It published a report in January saying that more than 100 British citizens a year were reporting being mistreated in jails abroad and not being provided with the humanitarian or consular assistance that the British Government should be giving them. It also says that there is inconsistency in the support provided, particularly for dual nationals. What can the Minister do to assure us that any British national, whether a dual national or not, will receive the same consular support if they find themselves in that position?
They are certainly offered all the same support, but the blunt fact is that not all states treat dual nationals the same: some recognise dual nationality and allow access to the UK authorities, others do not accept it and treat the dual national solely as a national of their own state. In those circumstances, they do not believe they are required to give access. I can assure the hon. Lady, however, that in each and every case the UK Government make exactly the same representations seeking access, because we believe that dual nationality means what it says: dual nationality, not sole nationality.
[Official Report, 22 May 2018, Vol. 641, c. 732.]
Letter of correction from Alistair Burt.
An error has been identified in the response I gave to the hon. Member for Bristol East (Kerry McCarthy) during the Urgent Question on Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe.
The correct response should have been:
(6 years, 7 months ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
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Yes, I can assure the hon. Lady, whose own tenacity in other respects also deserves commendation, that the issues affecting the BBC Persian service have been raised directly both by the Foreign Secretary and me. We are conscious of the pressures under which they work and the diligence with which they go about their duties, and I can assure her that those matters are indeed raised.
Last year, I met Redress, which has been mentioned already, to discuss not just this case but that of Andy Tsege. It published a report in January saying that more than 100 British citizens a year were reporting being mistreated in jails abroad and not being provided with the humanitarian or consular assistance that the British Government should be giving them. It also says that there is inconsistency in the support provided, particularly for dual nationals. What can the Minister do to assure us that any British national, whether a dual national or not, will receive the same consular support if they find themselves in that position?
They are certainly offered all the same support, but the blunt fact is that not all states treat dual nationals the same: some recognise dual nationality and allow access to the UK authorities, others do not accept it and treat the dual national solely as a national of their own state. In those circumstances, they do not believe they are required to give access. I can assure the hon. Lady, however, that in each and every case the UK Government make exactly the same representations seeking access, because we believe that dual nationality means what it says: dual nationality, not sole nationality.[Official Report, 4 June 2018, Vol. 642, c. 1MC.]
(7 years ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
The United Kingdom will restate tomorrow our determination to see a final settlement with peace between the nations—two viable states—and our determination that the statehood we wish to see in Palestine is agreed. Our position is that we will recognise when it is the right time in relation to peace. We will make that decision.
It is 12 years since I visited Ma’ale Adumim, a huge settlement just outside Jerusalem that is now home to 41,000 people. Emboldened by Trump’s decision, the Israeli Parliament is for the first time introducing a law to annex that settlement. Does the Minister agree that the legitimisation of a settlement built illegally on Palestinian land is a very dangerous move? Will he join me in condemning it?
The hon. Lady raises again the difficult issue of legality in relation to settlements. There is evidence that the Israeli Government have been influenced by the United States and others in some of their decisions, including legal decisions, in relation to Jerusalem. Our position remains clear: the settlements are illegal and must be dealt with as part of an overall settlement. We support challenges to the legality of the settlements, when it is legitimate and right to do so, by those who might be affected by them or by demolitions. That will remain the policy.
Royal Assent
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Commons ChamberThe decision to site the next CHOGM in Colombo was taken by consensus in the Commonwealth back in 2009, and we have no indication that the Commonwealth intends to change its view on that, but my right hon. and learned Friend is absolutely right to point out the contrast between Commonwealth values and concerns about what is happening in Sri Lanka. We and other Governments have made that clear, and the recent passing of the Human Rights Council resolution in Geneva, which the UK strongly supported, is evidence of that.
The Minister just referenced the most recent United Nations resolution on Sri Lanka, in which it noted
“the continuing reports of violations of human rights in Sri Lanka, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, and violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly”.
Given that Sri Lanka has been judged in those terms by the UN, to what extent does the Minister think the country complies with the principles of the Commonwealth and the recently adopted Commonwealth charter, and should we use CHOGM as a means of leverage to put pressure on Sri Lanka to put its house in order?
The hon. Lady is correct when she says that CHOGM provides the opportunity for us and others to express concerns to Sri Lanka, and to urge it to make good its own promises to fulfil the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission’s recommendations. We have urged it to do so and we will continue to do that.
I was able to speak to the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister yesterday. I made reference to our further concerns, whether they are about the impeachment of the Chief Justice or further attacks on the press in Jaffna, and made it clear that if Colombo is to host CHOGM later this year, the spotlight will be on Sri Lanka and it will need to demonstrate to the world how it has responded to these concerns and made good its own beliefs in reconciliation for the future.
(11 years, 9 months ago)
Commons ChamberWe very much want the United States to be a party to the agreement, but we know—as is well known—that they have issues with some items. The Secretary of State was made well aware by my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary of the importance we attach to the arms trade treaty. The United States is, of course, keeping its negotiating position carefully guarded in the run-up to the negotiations, as one would expect. We are very keen that the United States should be able to sign the agreement and, of course, that it should meet our objectives of being robust and effective.
I was a little disappointed to hear that no Minister from our Department for International Development would be attending the arms trade treaty talks later this month. Given that armed violence is estimated to cost Africa $18 billion a year, will the Minister assure me that tackling poverty and the extent to which arms transfers undermine socio-economic development will be at the top of his list of priorities when he goes to New York?
As the hon. Lady rightly says, I am going to New York. It is not possible for a Minister from DFID to go on this occasion, but they went last July. The Minister of State, Department for International Development, has been determined in all his efforts over the course of the past year to pursue our interests in the treaty and will continue to work the phones even while other people are in New York. There is no lack of engagement from DFID and the Government’s determination, supported, we know, by the whole House, will continue throughout the conference.
(12 years, 7 months ago)
Westminster HallWestminster Hall is an alternative Chamber for MPs to hold debates, named after the adjoining Westminster Hall.
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I am not as familiar with visa issues affecting Vietnam as I am with those in countries of which I have more intimate knowledge, but I think the problems are common and similar. We are trying to operate a regime that will encourage people to come to the United Kingdom within the limits set by the Home Office on security, numbers, and everything else. The balance is always difficult. I will raise with the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Taunton Deane the issues relating specifically to Vietnam, and I presume that he has already been in close touch with the Home Office. The balance is difficult. It is not easy anywhere, and I will ensure that the hon. Lady’s concerns are reflected back.
Education and its spin-over into the general partnership with the United Kingdom put us in a good position not only to be a leading partner in educational development but, as a result of English language use, in various commercial opportunities. I will speak about trade and investment before coming to human rights and other issues.
Vietnam’s impressive potential makes it attractive to UK businesses, which are already doing well in Vietnam. The UK is already Vietnam’s biggest foreign investor in financial services. Other sectors where there are opportunities include education, which I touched on a moment ago, real estate and retail. Bilateral trade in goods reached almost £2 billion in 2011, up by 33% on the previous year. UK exports grew by 18%, reaching £325 million. As I am sure hon. Members will recall, the strategic partnership includes a joint commitment to double trade by 2013—the hon. Member for Bristol East made the point about where our balance of trade should be heading—and our UKTI team has trade officers in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City to help UK companies looking to establish or expand their presence in Vietnam. However, in a rapidly growing market it is necessary to take a longer perspective, and we are working with the Vietnamese through the Joint Economic and Trade Committee to identify priority areas and boost our trade and investment relationship. Those bilateral talks include issues of market access and other points of concern to UK companies.
We are well placed to share UK expertise in the financial services, and as I have indicated, the UK is already the biggest investor in that sector in Vietnam. The UK has recently signed a memorandum of understanding with the Vietnamese Ministry of Finance under which we will co-operate on a financial framework for public-private partnerships, public debt management and sovereign credit ratings.
UK companies are world leaders in managing large infrastructure projects and that will be an important area for Vietnam in coming years. It is estimated that an investment of around $160 billion will be required over the next decade, and given the scale of that investment, new models of funding for those projects will be required. We have actively shared our experiences of the public-private partnership model with the Vietnamese, and we hope that UK companies will continue to contribute their world-class expertise.
However, despite that background and the UK’s involvement in trade and investment and commercial opportunities, we acknowledge that Vietnam must do more to meet its commitments. Vietnam has reaped the benefits of its accession to the World Trade Organisation in 2007, but its obligations must also be prioritised. We regularly encourage Vietnam to liberalise its markets further, and negotiations on an EU-Vietnam free trade agreement will start soon, which will bring additional benefits to the UK and Vietnam.
Bureaucracy and corruption remain major problems; Vietnam is ranked 116th on Transparency International’s corruption perceptions index—a long way below China and Thailand. The hon. Member for Bristol East raised that issue and asked what more we can do to help, and the UK remains keen to work with Vietnam to address those problems, including through the anti-corruption dialogue. We believe that tackling corruption has become a priority for the Vietnamese Government. They have developed a comprehensive legal framework on anti-corruption measures, and in 2009 they signed the United Nations convention against corruption. Although there has been good progress, the enforcement and impact of the convention remains patchy at best. Therefore, a joint in-country team from the Department for International Development and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has been formed to lead our anti-corruption work. Such work is given high priority in Vietnam because it has a direct impact on UK interests and we believe that we can make a difference in a fast-emerging market. Corruption is holding back economic development in too many countries in the region, as well as in other parts of the world. It is an endemic and cultural problem, and needs to be tackled. I am confident, however, that our efforts will assist Vietnam in its attempts to deal with that problem.
Before looking at human rights, I would like to mention one or two regional issues and respond to the right hon. Gentleman’s comments about the South China sea. As Vietnam’s economic power grows, so does its political power. Through our bilateral relationship we are encouraging Vietnam to play an active and responsible role on the global stage, and to use its influence in the region and through ASEAN on issues of importance such as Burma, counter-proliferation and climate change.
As the House will be aware, the Government are concerned about tensions in the South China sea, which is a vital global trade artery. The UK has an interest in maintaining freedom of navigation in the region, and we hope that all parties can resolve disputes peacefully and in line with international law. The UK continues to call for all parties to show restraint and abide by international norms for the safe conduct of vessels at sea. We hope that the Vietnamese can build on recent discussions with all relevant parties and reach an agreement.
We recognise, however, that the dispute in the South China sea is long-standing and complex. It centres on a maze of overlapping territorial claims and the associated right to exploit maritime resources, by China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Taiwan and Brunei. Oil and gas reserves in the sea are significant. The South China sea is a vital global trade artery and some 50% of world trade passes through it.
As the right hon. Gentleman made clear, China, Vietnam and the Philippines have been vigorous in stating their claims. Earlier this month, Philippine and Chinese naval vessels were involved in a tense stand-off over 12 Chinese fishing vessels that were anchored in disputed waters off the north-west coast of the Philippines. Although such incidents continue to be relatively low level, the UK remains concerned about the potential for a minor skirmish to escalate quickly through a miscalculation on either side.
Our role is to encourage all those involved to seek agreement through international negotiation and existing processes. The right hon. Gentleman asked about advice from the United Kingdom, and as an island nation with a long history and involvement in such matters, our advice on maritime issues and territorial disputes will continue to be available to all parties. It is essential to find a peaceful way forward. We understand that ASEAN and China have agreed to develop a code of conduct for the South China sea, and we continue to support that process.
Let me turn to human rights, and the issue of Agent Orange that was mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman. While that remains primarily an issue for the United States and Vietnam, we share a concern about the circumstances of the past. We continue to pay close interest to the issue—I know that during a visit to Vietnam in September last year, members of the all-party group for Vietnam, together with staff from our embassy, visited a number of sites affected by the use of Agent Orange.
Since 2001, the Governments of the US and Vietnam have worked together on the potential environmental and health issues related to Agent Orange and dioxin contamination. The Joint Advisory Committee that advises both the US and Vietnam on activities related to Agent Orange and dioxin contamination, including research and environmental remediation, met for its fourth annual meeting in September 2009. In December 2010, the US and Vietnam signed a memorandum of intent to start work on dioxin clean-up in Da Nang, to be completed in 2013. Although it is primarily a matter between the US and Vietnam, we take a close interest in it and our officials have raised the issue directly with the United States. The right hon. Gentleman can be assured of our sympathy and understanding in relation to those concerns.
Other issues of human rights have been mentioned, including freedom of expression, the blogosphere, freedom of religion and freedom of politics. As the Foreign Secretary has said, human rights are essential to and indivisible from the UK’s foreign policy objectives. As hon. Members will know, the FCO publishes an annual human rights report. The 2010 report, published in April 2011, identified Vietnam as one of 26 countries of concern and highlighted the concern that there were no signs in the short term that the human rights situation there would change. I encourage all colleagues to look at the report for 2011, which is due to be published shortly.
Supporting Vietnam in improving its record on human rights remains a priority for the UK and is very much part of the strategic partnership. We engage Vietnam on human rights bilaterally and through the EU, which holds an annual human rights dialogue with Vietnam. Our overarching objective is to strengthen accountability, which would lead to increased freedom of expression, effective oversight mechanisms and a more robust response to corruption. Our efforts are focused on building engagement with the Government and the Communist party of Vietnam on key areas of concern; supporting the development of the media; enhancing openness, transparency and Government accountability; and tackling corruption.
The hon. Member for East Dunbartonshire referred to freedom of expression, which is our main human rights concern in Vietnam. The Vietnamese authorities maintain a tough stance against any political dissent and a firm grip on print, broadcast and online media across the country. We have concerns about the Vietnamese Government’s treatment of peaceful activists, bloggers and land rights campaigners. National security laws are regularly used against political dissidents and human rights defenders and often lead to lengthy prison sentences. We continue to urge the authorities to adopt a more tolerant approach, stressing the links between Vietnam’s future macro-economic development and its willingness to encourage free speech, open debate, innovation and creativity, which are all important in developing a modern, vibrant and industrialised economy.
The hon. Lady mentioned the death penalty, and I can assure her of the UK’s belief that it is wrong in all circumstances. We will continue to raise the issue with nations that do not hold that view.
The hon. Lady raised the issue of freedom of religion. In recent years, the Vietnamese Government have made progress in implementing their legislative framework to protect freedom of religion and belief. However, there are still isolated reports of harassment of religious groups by local government officials, as well as delays in approving the registration of religious groups. We and our partners in the EU continue to encourage the Vietnamese authorities to ensure that religious freedoms are respected consistently across the country and that central Government policy is understood and implemented appropriately by provincial and local authorities. There have been a number of incidents involving Christian and Buddhist sites as part of land disputes between religious groups and local authorities. In such cases, we have always urged all parties to seek a peaceful resolution, and we have urged the Vietnamese authorities to ensure that property registration procedures are applied consistently across the country.
The hon. Lady mentioned migration and trafficking, about which we are very concerned. The Vietnamese are one of the top three nationalities encountered in the UK as potential victims of trafficking. None the less, the scale of the problem is small compared with illegal migration from Vietnam. Many people are complicit in their illegal entry, but once they are in the UK, organised crime groups target those who are vulnerable and traffic them internally within the country. Sadly, Vietnamese adults are almost as likely to be trafficked for sexual exploitation as they are for labour exploitation. The key to tackling trafficking is to decrease the smuggling of Vietnamese nationals to the UK.
We are also concerned about Vietnamese minors. Between April 2009 and February 2011, 75 out of 96 victims were identified as minors. The majority arrive in the UK as clandestine entrants and are then targeted for labour exploitation, especially cannabis cultivation.
To reduce such threats, we have developed an excellent relationship with the Vietnamese Ministry of Public Security on migration issues. That is particularly significant, given that the UK is clearly the demandeur in the relationship. We are increasing work on organised crime through the Serious Organised Crime Agency, which will post a full-time officer to Vietnam in 2013. For the time being, the work is covered by a Bangkok-based officer, who visits Vietnam twice a month. Through the risk and liaison overseas network, the UK Border Agency is increasingly active in Vietnam, and it will become still more active following the agreement of the memorandum of understanding on immigration information exchange.
Colleagues raised a couple of issues about climate change. Across the Government, we will launch a new trilateral relationship with the Government of Vietnam and the World Bank, and we have been working closely with Vietnam on that. As part of the strategic partnership, the Department for International Development will fund a £3 million project covering key gaps in capacity in five Vietnamese partner Ministries, and that will include adaptation and low-carbon growth analysis.
On adaptation, DFID is developing a project on coastal adaptation in the Red river delta. We hope that will be funded by the international climate fund, which is designed to address climate change internationally. The hon. Lady was right to recognise the particular geography of Vietnam, whose river deltas put it at maximum threat from climate change. That is a further reason why we should act bilaterally with Vietnam, as well as acting on our international obligations.
The right hon. Member for Knowsley mentioned development and poverty, and I am keen to respond. On development, we recognise that economic and commercial growth and opportunities in Vietnam are perhaps the biggest drivers in raising living standards and dealing with poverty. Vietnam has made considerable progress against key development indicators and is seen as something of a success story in reducing poverty. In 2011, it ranked 128th out of 187 countries on the human development index, which is well above what could be expected, given the country’s current national income. However, challenges still remain. Some 12 million people still live in poverty, and the poverty rate among ethnic minorities is particularly high, at 52%.
Since 2006, we have granted Vietnam more than £25 million in debt relief through our DFID office in-country. Based on a 10-year development partnership agreement, the UK has provided more than £448 million in grand-aid to Vietnam. When the development partnership agreement concludes in 2016, DFID will graduate from its programme in Vietnam. As part of that transition plan, DFID will focus on ensuring that interventions are sustainable beyond the period of its presence. Long-term activities on issues such as governance, climate change, and trade and investment are increasingly taken forward as part of the strategic partnership. We are also working on that with multilateral organisations.
The hon. Member for Bristol East mentioned labour conditions and wages. As part of Vietnam’s work with the UK Government, we are discussing capacity building and sharing our experience on labour laws, union participation and economic development in conversations with partners in Vietnam.
Will UK trade unions be involved in that, perhaps under the umbrella of the TUC? Will they work with labour organisations in Vietnam on these issues?
If I may, I will raise that with the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Taunton Deane. However, I saw Brendan Barber quite recently regarding trade union activity in countries in transition in north Africa, and we have a good relationship with the TUC in taking forward work on trade unions in places where that may have been difficult historically. I am sure the same partnership opportunities will exist in Vietnam.
I hope that covers the issues colleagues have raised. If anything has been left untouched, I will, of course, ensure that it is dealt with by letter. I hope the time we have spent on the debate and the points that have been raised confirm that my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary’s visit to Vietnam today is timely and builds on the good relationship between the UK and Vietnam, which has been built up over a number of years. The strategic partnership between us, as well as our common concern to use the opportunities provided by trade and investment and to recognise Vietnam’s growing political power and responsibilities in the region, are all good reasons why my right hon. Friend should be there today building our relationship and looking to the future.
I also hope that what I have said about the UK’s commitments and engagement—whether on commerce, poverty or human rights—shows that we have the right balance in our relationship. We want to encourage development right across the board in Vietnam, while not holding back on addressing issues that may be detrimental to its development, as well as those issues that any country, on an international basis, will want to put right over a period of time. In the UK, Vietnam has a good partner on those issues. We will offer advice and support as Vietnam continues its progress through the century.
(13 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberIt is all about the base of reconstruction and reconciliation for the future. The British Government and a number of others have sought to make it clear, in accordance with the wishes of the Government of Sri Lanka, that if reconstruction and reconciliation are to be properly based, that will involve looking back on the past as well as forward to the future. Progress has been made in Sri Lanka since the end of the conflict, but serious issues still need to be addressed and we expect the Sri Lankan Government to be in a position to do that.
Given the obvious sensitivities of the Sri Lankan situation, can the Minister confirm that the Foreign Office has in its possession a full minute of all meetings, both in Sri Lanka and on the topic of Sri Lanka, that the former Defence Secretary had during his time in office?
I welcome the hon. Lady to her position, and I wish her well in performing her duties.
The Foreign Secretary has made it clear that he is well aware of the visits to Sri Lanka by my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset (Dr Fox), the former Secretary of State for Defence, who had a particular link with Sri Lanka during his time as a junior Minister at the Foreign Office. I have no knowledge of whether any minutes were prepared of those meetings, but I will inquire. I am absolutely certain, however, that the Foreign Secretary was well aware of the meetings, and that he was absolutely confident that Foreign Office policy would be properly reflected by my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset.
(14 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberYes, indeed, and the number of letters that I deal with from colleagues expressing the concerns of their constituents certainly confirms what my hon. Friend says.
I applaud the aim of the hon. Member for Cambridge, following his recent visit and that of his colleagues, to ensure that eight new UNRWA schools are built in Gaza. Like him, I welcome the recent announcement that that will be done. The situation in Gaza continues to cause the Government concern, and it was high on the Foreign Secretary’s agenda during his recent visit to Israel and the occupied territories. I hope to explain in my remarks what action the Government are taking to reconstruct and stabilise Gaza, and why that matters to the middle east peace process.
To begin with, I should like to set out the scale of the reconstruction challenge in Gaza and explain briefly how we got where we are. Although we agree with the hon. Gentleman that there is no longer a humanitarian crisis as such in Gaza, the situation there remains extremely fragile and could deteriorate very quickly. Despite Israel’s welcome announcement on 20 June of measures to help ease access restrictions, we remain worried about what the UN has termed the “de-development” of Gaza, with the economy, institutions and skill base steadily eroding.
Although I am not tempted to go back to 1286, it is impossible to consider the current issues in Gaza without recognising the historical context and noting the tragedy of the people of Gaza, caught up in the generations-old dispute concerning Israel and Palestine. After years of occupation, and much international criticism, Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005, pursuing its policy of swapping land for peace and evicting a number of settlers and settlements. The UK, along with international partners, welcomed the withdrawal as a positive step towards meeting Israel’s road map commitments. We also pushed hard for Israel to co-ordinate with the Palestinian Authority on the aftermath of withdrawal.
However, far from being freed, Gaza’s population found itself the battleground for a gradually intensifying dispute between Fatah and Hamas for the control of the land. Hamas’s repressive control of Gaza gradually tightened. Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit was kidnapped in 2006, kept completely incommunicado for many years and denied Red Cross access, and he is still detained. Hamas violently ousted Fatah from the Gaza strip in 2007, leading Israel to declare Gaza a “hostile entity”. A regular barrage of rockets directed towards southern Israel began. Israeli Government statistics claim that in 2005 Hamas and other Palestinian groups launched about 850 rockets and mortars at Israel from Gaza. By 2008 that figure had climbed past 2,000.
Although I heard and understood the hon. Gentleman’s point about responding differently to those who win elections with policies that we may not like, equally, those who wish to play a serious part in deciding the future of a people need to know that an acceptance and encouragement of violence, and a refusal to accept the existence of the state of Israel, will result only in closed doors, and rightly so.
A downward spiral of restricted access, the cutting of fuel supplies and retaliatory violence prompted aid agencies to describe the situation in Gaza in early 2008 as the worst since the 1967 Yom Kippur war. As hon. Members know full well, a shaky ceasefire was not renewed towards the end of 2008. Militants in Gaza fired barrages of rockets at Israel, and Israel responded by launching Operation Cast Lead. The conduct of both sides in that war is the subject of a number of inquiries and is not for this debate. However, the consequences for the people of Gaza have been severe.
To prevent the rebuilding of supplies of arms, Israel ensured a tight blockade of Gaza. The UK Government understand and support Israel’s right to protect itself. However, to come to one of the hon. Gentleman’s key points, we were, and are, less persuaded that the economic blockade that was simultaneously imposed would be of any benefit to Israel, and we share the hon. Gentleman’s assessment. The fact that the economy of Gaza has been so reduced that 80% of Gaza’s population is in receipt of food aid, and that unemployment is calculated at 40% for adults and 60% for youth, has not produced serious political gain for Israel or ruin for Hamas, but simply added to the misery of the people. We do indeed call on Israel to rethink that part of its policy, which would not undercut its concern on security, and might indeed, for reasons that have been outlined, assist its security. We make that case regularly to Israel, and we will continue to do so.
Following Operation Cast Lead and resolution 1860, the international community lobbied Israel hard on the need to allow access for humanitarian and reconstruction relief to Gaza. However, it was not until after the flotilla incident earlier this year that international pressure made a difference, and Israel announced on 20 June measures to ease controls on goods entering Gaza. We welcomed that announcement and the Israelis’ subsequent implementation on 5 July of a move from a list of permitted items to a list of banned and dual-use items. The latter step resulted in an increase in the variety and volume of goods entering Gaza.
Further steps have been taken by Israel, including procedures to allow the entry of dual-use items, such as building materials, into Gaza, and I will come to that key point a little later. The Government of Israel are also taking steps to improve access for Palestinian business people into and out of Gaza. We welcome those steps and acknowledge that the volume and range of goods entering Gaza has increased in recent months.
I spoke this morning to John Ging, and I very much echo the hon. Gentleman’s appreciation of his work. I had the pleasure of meeting John during the summer to help me understand the area for which I now have responsibility. He tells me that the consumer goods picture is much improved. Indeed, he estimates that there is only 20% of the tunnel traffic that there was. Once again, we share the hon. Gentleman’s perception. Tunnel traffic simply became a source of revenue to Hamas and to criminals and appears to have done little damage to Hamas politically.
However, John Ging also said that the situation in terms of construction material remains dire. He cannot find what he needs to tackle the under-resourcing of school building. We share his welcome, and that of the hon. Gentleman and other colleagues, for the eight school projects, but they will not satisfy the demand of 40,000 children. Once again, I echo the hon. Gentleman’s point. If UNRWA, with the support of the international community, is not seen to, and cannot, provide the development that is needed, yet Hamas and its allies can provide it because of access to materials through routes other than the official crossing, who will get the blame and who will get the support?
It is possible that it is not any political ill will that is affecting the delivery of construction material specifically orientated towards UNRWA, and UNRWA must, rightly, be held responsible should any material go missing and assist Hamas. However, John Ging informs me that there is a significant capacity issue, which hon. Members have mentioned. I understand there are sheer logistical difficulties in getting more material through the existing crossing. To that extent, therefore, reopening other crossings may assist, and we certainly intend to take that up, although we appreciate that it requires serious consideration and cost to Israel. The gain, however, may make it well worth while.
It is not just schools. The sewerage system needs serious work to stop untreated sewage entering the Mediterranean. Some 90% of mains water is undrinkable. As I indicated, 80% of the population is dependent on food aid. It is also vital, therefore, to take steps to revive Gaza’s economy, including allowing exports and the movement of people. That is key to ensuring Israel’s long-term security interests. The empowerment of Gaza’s legitimate, non-Hamas controlled business community will act as a counterweight to radicalisation.
Before the Minister moves on from aid deliveries to Gaza, will he give us the Government’s view on the informal conveys? Those are certainly an issue in Bristol, where people have donated. Trucks have set off from Bristol, and constituents have gone to Gaza to try to deliver food and other aid, but they have been blocked. Is that useful, or would be it better to go through the official channels?