Judicial Review and Courts Bill (Second sitting) Debate

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Alex Cunningham

Main Page: Alex Cunningham (Labour - Stockton North)
Antony Higginbotham Portrait Antony Higginbotham
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Q Can I just follow up? I understand what you are saying about treading on toes, but it is not also the case that we must ensure our ways of working evolve as technology evolves. To your point, that is why it is important, as the committee establishes itself, that it does so in a careful and considered way—not to step on toes, but to take the best of new ways of working and carry the profession with it.

Richard Leiper: I could not agree with that more. I think it is exactly the right concept to have. It will help litigants. There is provision so that those who do not have the means of doing things online would have the alternative of doing so through more traditional mechanisms, but I completely agree with the process because it should simplify the system to enable people to access justice more freely.

I could not agree more with the underlying concept. It is more a matter of ensuring that the infrastructure is in place to carry that through, so that it can become effective. That has two parts. First, it means having a properly composed committee with the expertise that can be brought to it and, secondly, having the infrastructure behind it so that it is not just a rule committee setting what needs to happen on high, but it gets the buy-in of everyone who will implement it and of how it will operate.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham (Stockton North) (Lab)
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Q Mr Leiper, you talked about the size of the committee being inadequate at six members. What is your opinion about how we build that particular committee? Are you suggesting 16 members like other committees or do you think there is a middle ground? Who should the committee comprise?

Richard Leiper: I am not one for large committees, which can be counterproductive, but we are talking about an enormous amount of work that will need to be undertaken across a wide range of practice areas. I suggest that the composition was akin to that of the civil procedure rule committee and of family law, so having more judges and more practitioners. The committee has only one person who can bring the knowledge of the lay-advice sector, whereas I think both the civil procedure rule committee and the family procedure rule committee each have two lay members. It needs a wider composition akin to those of the existing rule committees—which seem to operate perfectly successfully—where people are able to bring together the knowledge and direction of what they want to achieve through the online rule committee, but also bring particular practice or individual knowledge to the development of those rules.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q You said that a tremendous amount of work needs to be done, but that you accept that this is a good idea generally. What safeguards do you think we will need to put in place in the short term to ensure that justice is not adversely impacted as this is developed?

Richard Leiper: I guess that the biggest risk is of technological failure of some kind, because this is wholly dependent on having the underlying technology operating successfully. If there is a failure, then it could lead to disaster. It is about ensuring that there is the funding and knowledge behind it to be able to support a process that would need to be implemented in a small area at first—I would think—ensuring that it was successful, and then gradually broadening it so that one could have confidence in its effectiveness. It is about having the comfort that there is going to be the technological and financial support behind it to ensure that it works.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q Thank you. I have one final question. What do you think about the powers provided to the Lord Chancellor by the OPR provisions in the Bill, in clauses 19 to 26? Do they cause a democratic deficit?

Richard Leiper: I suppose there are two answers to that. One is yes. The other, which is my personal view, is that it seems to reflect the processes that are already in place into the existing procedure rule committee. This appears to have been the accepted approach since about 2005, and it seems to be replicating that. It does seem to give a substantial power to the Lord Chancellor in this regard, which I personally find surprising. However, it seems to be the way that things have operated for some time.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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That is very helpful, thank you.

Caroline Johnson Portrait Dr Caroline Johnson (Sleaford and North Hykeham) (Con)
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Q I wanted to ask a question about online procedures, particularly the coronial inquest where you have said that 95% are carried out by a coroner sitting alone. For the 5% that require witnesses, how does being able to hold inquests online make the system more efficient?

André Rebello: Perhaps I misspoke. When a coroner sits alone, the coroner still hears evidence, and witnesses still come to court. It is just that there is no representation for any of the interested persons; the coroner hears evidence and makes finding and determinations. There is a real issue, though, with remote hearings in that, although many people have found advantages with them, the coronavirus easements did not apply to coroners’ courts. Coroners’ courts have only been able to work through remote hearings by using rule 17 to receive video evidence.

The provisions in this Bill are to bring coroners’ courts in line with other courts. However, there is a real issue in regard to the Equality Act 2010; not everyone can participate in the rule of law and in open justice through remote hearings. Any judge presiding has to be very careful to make sure that everyone can participate. I suspect there are more disadvantages in remote hearings than in having everyone in court, where you can fully appreciate how people are following the proceedings. In the 95% of cases where there is no representation, the coroner still hears evidence. It is not as if the coroner is just reading statements; evidence is still heard.

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None Portrait The Chair
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Three questioners wish to be called a second time. I will call them in the order in which they indicated.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q I suspect Mr Leiper might not be able to help me on criminal procedure reforms, but will he indicate that is the case?

Richard Leiper: I should not. I sit as a recorder in the Crown court, but I would not hold myself up as having the necessary expertise.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q That is fine. I have a general question. Clause 4 extends the pleading by post scheme to children—in other words, defendants who have attained the age of 16, rather than the usual 18. Do you think that is appropriate?

Richard Leiper: Again, that is an issue for the Crown court section of your discussion, rather than the civil side of things.

Caroline Johnson Portrait Dr Johnson
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Q On death certificates, you spoke about treating the last illness or seeing a patient in the last 14 days or after death. I appreciate that at the moment you can see them in the last 28 days or after death, and you seem to be implying that makes a large difference. With increasing face-to-face appointments and the opportunity to see the person after death, why do you believe the change will make a material difference to the number of cases referred to the coroner? I appreciate that the coroner gets involved if you cannot issue a death certificate, but how many cases are there in which the doctor is unable to see the patient after death or in which the 14-day window—between 14 and 28 days before death—is crucial? It seems to me that there would not be many such cases.

André Rebello: Actually, there are many. With the easements in the Coronavirus Act, we are just about keeping our heads above water in the coroner service. Under the Coronavirus Act, any doctor could have treated the patient—it does not have to be the doctor who certifies the death, provided that the other doctor sees the body after death—and we have been able to get medical examiners and other doctors to issue death certificates. These are all deaths from natural causes, which should not ordinarily be reported to the coroner. Hopefully, the statutory medical examiner service will alleviate quite a lot of the deaths that come the coroner’s way, which cause a lot of concern for bereaved families. Unfortunately, a lot of deaths are reported to the coroner unnecessarily. At the moment—gosh—probably 20% or 30% of deaths being reported now do not need to be reported. Doctors could issue, but for whatever reason, the deaths are being reported—I suspect that doctors are busy trying to get back to normal and see patients.

I have concerns about the coronavirus easements lapsing before we bring in the new death certification and medical examiner provisions. I raise this on the record to flag that I can see a storm brewing in, probably, April of next year.

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None Portrait The Chair
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Thank you.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q I have a question for Stephanie. Does the Bill contain sufficient safeguards to ensure that online pleas are entered only if the defendant has legal advice. If not, what safeguards do you think might be put in place?

Stephanie Needleman: There are two provisions in the Bill that we are concerned about in terms of safeguards. There is the new allocation procedure for online pleas, for adults in clause 6 and for children in clause 8. While the Government have said that this will be accessible only through the common platform, which as I understand can currently only be used by legal professionals, there is nothing in the Bill that would guarantee that a defendant would only be able to enter an indicator plea or trial venue with access to legal advice. We would like to see something in the Bill that guarantees that.

We oppose the use of the procedure by children. We do not think that even with a safeguard of access to legal advice that it is an appropriate procedure for use by children. The criminal justice system considers children to be inherently vulnerable, and there is a whole process in place in the youth criminal justice system that recognises their rights and works to guarantee them, and this system would allow that whole system to be bypassed.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q Do those concerns you have about children extend to clause 4, where we talk about the defendant who

“has attained the age of 16”

rather than the usual age of 18? Could that be covered?

Stephanie Needleman: Clause 4 is not something that we have looked at in particular detail. As I understand it, the automatic online conviction process in the Bill is only available to 18-year-olds. The single justice procedure that it builds on is also only available to 18-year-olds, and the section 12 procedure in clause 4 is available to 16-year-olds, and that does appear to be an inconsistency that is unjustifiable.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q Apart from the inconsistency, what is your concern?

Stephanie Needleman: The same concerns as we have with using the new online allocation procedure for children. There is a whole system set up to protect vulnerable children within the criminal justice system, and those safeguards are being bypassed.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q That is helpful; thank you. Do you have any concerns about clause 9, which gives the court powers to proceed if the accused is absent from an allocation hearing?

Stephanie Needleman: That is not a clause we have looked at in particular detail, unfortunately.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q Can I ask you about something else, then? Do you anticipate that the automatic online conviction as the standard statutory penalty will have an impact on disproportionality in the criminal justice system?

Stephanie Needleman: Yes, we are very concerned about the disproportionate impact of the AOCSSP—a catchy acronym. That builds on the single justice procedure, and there are clear issues with that that have not been addressed by the Government. There has been some research by Appeal, which shows that the vast majority of those being prosecuted under the single justice procedure are women for non-payment of television licences.

We are concerned about the impact on ethnic minorities. Racial disparities permeate the criminal justice system, and we are concerned that a disproportionate number of ethnic minority individuals will also be unduly criminalised through the automatic online conviction process, as well as those with mental health conditions or neurodivergent conditions who may have particular difficulties understanding the process or the implications of going through the process, pleading guilty and receiving a conviction.

As it stands, there is nothing within the process that would screen for any vulnerabilities, and there has also been no assessment by the Government, as far as we can see, of the equalities impact of the Bill. Back in 2017, these measures were originally floated in the Prisons and Courts Bill, and there was an equalities statement which recognised the potential adverse impact on people with protected characteristics. There has not been an update to that equalities statement as far as I have seen. As it stands and given the issues with the single justice procedure that it builds on, we think that the procedure should not be in the Bill. However, it definitely should not proceed without a review of the current evidence available in terms of what impacts it might have on those groups with protected characteristics and vulnerabilities.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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Q That is helpful as well. Some people in the sector have expressed concern that there are insufficient safeguards built into the Bill for all manner of things, but an awful lot around how people understand what their options are. For example, if you look at the expansion of the written procedure for allocation proceedings in clause 6(4), do you think it provides sufficient information for the accused to understand what is happening and how to effectively engage in that process?

Stephanie Needleman: Absolutely. That is also a concern of ours in terms of people understanding what the process involves and, importantly, what the outcome of that process is going to be. Obviously, with the automatic online conviction, that outcome is a criminal conviction. We are worried that the process encourages people to go through it and plead guilty without properly understanding what impacts that can have later in life. I know it is currently only for summary and non-imprisonable offences, but those can still have serious implications—a criminal record, increased insurance costs, loss of employment and educational opportunities. This is not just for trivial offences that will not have an impact on people’s lives. Similarly, with the online plea, understanding the implications of where a case is heard—and the seriousness of going to the Crown Court and having the greater sentencing powers available there—is incredibly important. There should be provisions built in to ensure that defendants understand those. Having legal representation in the context of the allocation procedure goes some way to dealing with that.

Alex Cunningham Portrait Alex Cunningham
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You have anticipated the rest of my questions. I do not know if either of your colleagues wish to comment. No.

John Hayes Portrait Sir John Hayes
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Q I want to turn to the issue of proportionality. Witnesses may be aware of the recent judgment that says that

“challenges to legislation on the grounds of discrimination are becoming increasingly common in the UK, usually brought by campaigning organisations which lobbied unsuccessfully against the measure when it was being considered in Parliament, and then act as solicitors for persons affected by the legislation, or otherwise support legal challenges brought in their names, as a means of continuing their campaign.”

They are assisted in that, are they not, by the principle of proportionality, which confers on courts a broad discretionary power that risks undue interference of the courts in the sphere of political choices. That is very bad, is it not, both for a democratic society and for the role and reputation of courts, because the separation of powers—well, I do not need to lecture witnesses on the separation of powers. They know what it means. We have a problem that needs to be solved by legislative means. The Bill is a welcome start in that respect, is it not?