(1 week, 2 days ago)
Lords Chamber
Baroness Teather (LD)
My Lords, it is a privilege to take part in this debate. There have been some thoughtful and knowledgeable contributions from all sides. I particularly enjoyed the passionate defence and argument made by the noble Lord, Lord Best, for regeneration to take priority. I hope the Minister heard those comments and will respond. I will confine my remarks to welcoming provisions in the Bill relating to survivors of domestic abuse and to raising two areas that would help the Government meet their ambition of tackling housing insecurity by supporting people to remain in their tenancies and communities, as the Minister spoke about at the outset.
First, I support the provisions in the Bill for survivors of domestic abuse. The barriers people face when trying to leave an abusive household, whether navigating tenancy arrangements, securing alternative accommodation or avoiding financial penalties, can keep them trapped in dangerous situations for a very long period. Provisions to tackle that are hugely welcome. It would be good to hear more about how the Government foresee these measures working for people in practice in a timely way. I imagine that will be part of our discussions in Committee.
I will focus on two areas that I think would help the Government achieve their ambitions of supporting greater housing security. They recognise that some people need lifetime secure tenancies and are repealing mandatory fixed terms created by the 2016 Act. However, a tenancy agreement alone does not limit people’s ability to stay in their home and community. We need systemic thinking about the kinds of homes we are building—whether they are appropriate for people’s needs as they age and as our climate changes, and how we support people to maintain health and well-being throughout their life. There is nothing in the Bill about that.
When I was an MP in Brent, around half of my constituency casework was about housing. The most desperate situations almost always involved families whose needs had changed because of disability. Families had to wait years for housing that met their needs. Without it, children were dependent on others to shower, get to the toilet and even get out of their property and get to school, when they should have been exploring their independence. For adults, it limited their ability to go to work, and it limited others in their household too.
I also have some personal experience of these struggles. My husband is a wheelchair user. When we could no longer make our flat work, after a series of mishaps, including being stuck inside for a week after the lift broke and nights sleeping on the sofa after the internal stairlift went on the blink again, we were, thankfully, financially secure enough to make the move elsewhere and pay for our own adaptations. But I have other relatives whose experience has been different. One who became a wheelchair user after a serious accident got stuck in hospital for months after he was ready for discharge because no accessible social housing was available. He was discharged several times to a Travelodge, without care, as it was the only available accommodation with level entry and a wet room. Both chaotic discharges resulted in fairly rapid further emergency hospital readmissions, with all the misery and NHS cost involved.
In my role as a board member of two NHS trusts, Barts and EPUT, both listed in my register of interests, I am conscious of the pressures on NHS trusts to discharge patients and of how, too often, lack of suitable housing is the main barrier. The Equality and Human Rights Commission states that one in five disabled people living in social housing is in accommodation that is unsuitable for their needs. The Centre for Ageing Better says that only 13% of homes in England in 2005 met the four most basic accessibility criteria for someone to visit or live independently in a property with dignity. Almost 13 million people may now be living in homes that do not meet their accessibility needs, with lack of accessible private accommodation only adding to the pressure on social housing lists. The Government’s recent healthy homes guidance recognises this, recommending that all new homes should meet accessible and adaptable standards under Part M4(2) of the building regs, yet the Bill contains no serious attempt to drive that transition at scale.
I will say something briefly about green space, because this too is an issue of inequality that too often disappears from housing debates. Social housing policy cannot concern itself simply with the existence of housing units in isolation from the environment around them. Where people live affects physical health, mental well-being, childhood development and community cohesion. Access to green space must not be an optional extra or the preserve of affluent neighbourhoods; it should be part of healthy social infrastructure.
The inequalities on this are stark. Research consistently shows that poorer communities and communities with higher proportions of social housing have significantly worse access to quality green space. Nearly 3 million people in England live more than a 10-minute walk from a public park, while those in deprived urban areas experience some of the worst environmental inequalities in the country. This matters because the evidence on health outcomes is overwhelming. Studies published in the BMJ have linked increased access to green space with significantly lower levels of preventable illness and premature mortality in deprived communities; in other words, access to nature is not an aesthetic nice to have, it is a core part of preventive public health policy.
There is much in the Bill that I support, but I am concerned that it lacks the scale and urgency that the situation demands and misses areas that would support the Government to meet their ambitions to tackle housing security. I look forward to the Minister’s response.